it had lost in Tuscany. Thus, by the happy cooperation of France and Russia, all permanent interests are conciliated, and from the bosom of that tempest which seemed ready to overwhelm it, the Germanic Empire, that empire so necessary to the equilibrium and the repose of Europe, tises more powerful, composed of elements more homogeneous, better combined and more adapted to the circumstances and opinions of the present age. A French Ambassador is at Constantinople, charged with renewing and fortifying the ties which attach us to a power which seems to be threatened with destruction, but which it is our interest to sustain and to support the foundations by which it is upheld..-The British forces are still in Alexandria and Malta. The government had a fair right of complaint, but it has received intelligence that the vessels which are to convey them to Europe are already in the Mediteranean. The government guarantees to the nation the peace of the continent, and it is permitted to entertain a hope of the continuance of maritime peace. This peace is the want, as well as the desire of all nations. For its preservation, the government will do every thing compatible with national honour, essentially connected with the strict execution of the treaties. But in England, two parties maintain a contest for power. One of those parties has concluded peace, and appears desirous of maintaining it. The other has taken an oath of eternal hatred to France. Hence that fluctuation of opinion and of counsels which prevails. Hence that attitude, at the same time pacific and menacing.-While this contest of parties continues, measures of precaution are what the government is called upon to adopt. 500,000 men ought to be, and shall be ready to undertake its defence, and avenge its injuries. Strange necessity which miserable passions impose on two nations, whom interest and inclination mutually prompt to the cultivation of peace. Whatever success intrigues may experience in London, no other people will be involved in new combinations -the government says, with conscious pride, that England alone cannot maintain a struggle against France. -But we have better hopes, and we believe that in the British cabinet, nothing will be listened to, but the counsels of wisdom and the voice of humanity. Yes, doubtless, the peace will daily be more consolidated. The relation of the two governments, will assume that character of goodwill which is suitable to their mutual interests. A happy repose will bury the recollection of the long calamities of a disastrous war, and France and England, rendering their happiness reciprocal, will deserve the gratitude of the whole world. The First Consul. (Signed) Buonaparte.-By order of the First Consul, the secretary of state, H. B. Maret. Report of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, to whom was referred that Part of the President's Message which relates to discriminating and countervailing Duties, and to the Act of the British Parliament on that Subject.-New York, January 21, 1803-That a duty of 6 cents per ton is by law imposed on all American ships entering any of the ports of the U. States, from a foreign port, and on any ship or vessel, not of the U.States, 50 cents per ton; and that an additional duty of 10 per cent. on the duties payable on goods, wares or merchandize, imported in American bottoms, has invariably been imposed on such goods, wares, and merchandize, when imported in foreign ships or vessels.That those discriminating duties have tended greatly to increase the navigation of the U. States, have given to the Shipowners an advantage over foreigners in the carriage to the U. States of salt, wine, brandy, sugar, coffee, blankets and other coarse woollens, coarse linens, hemp, earthen-ware, and cther bulky articles, and have enabled them to be almost exclusively the carriers of all the fine articles of importation necessary to the consump tion of the country. This policy, combined with the advantages resulting from the late war in Europe, had increased the American tonnage to an amount (it is believed) not inferior to that of any nation in Europe, except G. Britain. The effects of these discriminating duties did not escape the observations of those foreign nations with whom we have had the greatest commercial intercourse. By the 15th art. of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, dated London 19th Nov. 1794 "The Brit. Government has reserved the right of countervailing those discriminating duties and the U. States bound themselves not to impose any new or additional duty on the tonnage of Brit. ships or vessels, or to increase the then subsisting difference between the duties payable on the importation of any article in Brit. or American ships."It is believed by your Committee, that the Parliament of G. Brit. by a statute passed the 4th July, 1797, (in the exercise of that reserved right) have exceeded the fair intent and meaning of the treaty of amity, &c. &c. and thereby have secured to the Shipowners of that nation the exclusive carriage to G. Brit. (in time of peace) of some of our most important objects of exportation. They have selected fish-oil and tobacco (articles of great bulk) as objects on which the highest countervailing duties have been imposed. The countervailing duty on fish-oil being 36s. 3d. 12-20 sterling per ton of 252 gallons, and upon tobacco Is. 6d. per 100 lbs.-In consequence of which a Brit. ship of 250 tons, carrying 250 tons of oil to G. Brit. from the U. States, will pay 4531. 15s. st. less duty thereon than the same oil would pay imported into G. Brit. in an American ship; the whole freight on such quantity of oil would have been prior to the late war only 6251. st.the nett freight to an American ship (after deducting the countervailing duty of 4521. 15s.) would of course be only 1711 5s.st.-By the same operation, a Brit. ship of 250 tons, carrying 400 hhds. of tobacco, of 1200lbs. each, to G.Brit. from the U. States, would pay 3601. st. less dury than would be payable on the same quantity of tobacco imported in an American ship-the whole freight at 35s. st. per hhd. would only amount to 7001. st. which (after deducting the countervailing duty of 3601.) would leave to the American a nett freight of only 3441. Is. st.Rice, when imported into G. Brit. in an American ship, is charged with a duty of eight pence 8-10 st. per cwt. more than when imported in a Brit. ship; this extra duty amounts on a tierce of rice to 3s. 9d.st; the freight of a tierce of rice may be estimated at 125. st. No persons will give 15s. 9d. freight in an American ship, when he can have the same carried for 12s in a Brit. ship.-Pot and pearl-ashes pay a countervailing duty of 2. 14. 15d. the cwt. A cask of ashes contains about 3 cwt.: the extra duty on that by an American ship will be 9d. per barrel; the freight of such barrel is presumed to be 5s. or 5s. 6d.st. in times of peace; a difference of 9d.st. per barrel, will effectually give the carriage to Brit. ships, of all the ashes exported from the U. States to G. Brit.-The Committee take leave to refer the House to a Table of Duties imposed by G. Brit. on goods imported in American and Brit. ships, which was printed the last Session of Congress, and is herewith exhibited (No. 3. see v. 1. p. 419.) On recurring thereto, an important countervail in the articles of wood of all kinds, a small one in tar, turpentine, pitch, and other articles, will be discovered.-The Committee take leave to state, that the Parl. of G. Brit., by a statute bearing date the 7th of May, 1802, has imposed the following new additional duties on articles the produce and manufacture of the U. States, viz. Ashes, pot and pearl 1s. 6d. the cwt. 6s. the 100 bls. the 100 bls. Indigo (American) 12s. Bar Iron Turpentine Bees-wax 4s. 6d. the ton. Cotton (American) 7s. 10d. the 100 bls. The countervailing duty of 10 per cent. being also levied on all those new duties (except that on tobacco), adds farther to the injury already sustained by the American ships carrying such articles, and secures to Brit. ships the exclusive carriage of the following articles, in addition to the objects already mentioned, viz. indigo, iron, ginseng, bees-wax, and the important and bulky article of cotton. Prior to the passing of the Brit. statute of May last, Amer. cot. and indigo were free of duty on importation into G. Brit. the countervailing duty on indigo will (in consequence of the duty above stated) be 1s. 2. 4-10 per 100lbs. That on cotton nine pence 4 10th the 100 lbs. The freight of 100 lbs. of cotton may be estimated, in times of peace, at about 8s. 4d. st.; the difference of 9d on 8s. 4d. will give a decided preference to Brit. over American ships.-Thus, then, it appears, that G. Brit. by her countervailing act, has secured effectually the carrying (for her own wants and her foreign commerce) of our fish-oil, tobacco, pot and pearl-ashes, rice, indigo, and cotton, and having the carriage of those bulky articles, the minor objects (except naval stores) not being sufficiently important to form entire cargoes, will also be carried in Brit. ships.-The Committee take leave farther to state, that by the same satute of G. Brit., of the 7th of May last, a duty of per cent. is imposed on all goods, wares and merchandize, (of the growth or manufacture of G. Brit.) on their exportation to any port in Europe, or within the Streights of Gibraltar, and of one per cent. on similar goods, when exported to any place, not being in Europe, or within the Streights of Gibraltar; thus subjecting the U. States to a duty on exports double that which is paid by the nations of Europe. This discrimination your Committee believe to be in contradiction to the spirit of the Treaties existing between the U. States and G. Brit. By the statute of G. Brit., passed the 4th July, 1797, a duty of tonnage was imposed on American ships entering her ports, of 3s. st. per ton. which is admitted as a fair countervail of the discriminating duty of 44 cents. per ton, on their ships entering the ports of the U. States. From the preceding view of the subject, it appears to your Committee, that American vessels will be preferred to Brit. for the carrying of all the fine manufactures of G. Brit. ; but that the decided advantages that Brit. ships now have over Americans, in the carriage of all the bulky and important articles of the U. States, necessary for the consumption of foreign commerce of G. Brit., will enable their Owners to enter into an advantageous competition with the Americans in the carrying from G. Brit. to the U. States, of Brit. salt, and of all the coarse and bulky articles of the produce and manufacture of G. Brit. for instance: Malt is charged with only 2 cents. per bushel more when imported in a foreign ship, than when imported in an American ship; this small extra duty has never prevented its importation in Brit. ships.-Earthenware-a crate thereof will cost about 5 1. st. The usual peace freight of such a crate presumed to be about 20 or 25 s. st.; the extra duty thereon, being only Is. 6d. st., would be paid by the Owner of a Brit. ship rather than not obtain the freight.-Blankets-a bale of ten pieces will cost about 401. st. The usual peace freight about 35s. st.; the extra duty payable, if imported on a Brit. ship, will be 10s. st.-Wool Hats, Osnaburgs, sail, canvas, kerseys, negro cottons, flannel, baize, half-thicks, and in truth, all woollen cloths under 2s. st. per yard; beer, porter, and a variety of other bulky articles, pay an extra duty, so small when compared with the freight of such goods, that the Owners of Brit. ships, when assured of a full return freight from the U. States to G. Brit. will find it their interest to agree to pay the extra duty payable on such goods when imported into the U.States in foreign ships or vessels.-France also has taken measures to meet the operation of our discriminating duties. In the 2d year of the Fr. Rep. a Decree (relative to the Act of Navigation of that Nation) was passed, by which a duty of tonnage of 50 sols per ton was imposed on foreign vessels entering the ports of France, and of 6 sols per ton on French vessels.—In the 3d year of the Fr. Repub., a law was passed, imposing a duty of 18 liv. 15 sols per quintal on tobacco imported in Fr. vessels, and of 25 liv. on tobacco imported into the ports of France in foreign vessels; which duty has since been increased to 30 liv. per quintal, when imported in foreign ships, and to 20 liv. when in Fr. ships; making a dif-, ference of 120 liv. or 22 dollars and 90 cents. per. hhd. of 1200 lbs. against the importation of tobacco into France in American vessels. This discriminating duty amounts, in fact, to the pro hibiting of the importation of tobacco in Ame any foreign nations, whenever the President No. 1.-Statement of the Exports of the United States, 26,546,987 2,780,504 From the 1st of Oct. 1799, to 30th Sept. 1800. 27,310,289 5,163,033 rican vessels into France.-Your Committee fur- 4,451,096 31,107,834 74,153 12,954 87,130 860,902 626,495 109,599 Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by E. Harding, No, 18, Pall-Mall, London, Saturday, 19th March, 1803. VOL. III. No. 11. ] [ Price 10D CONTENTS. Mr. Cobbett's Letter to Mr. Sheridan, 385. On Lord St. Vincent and the Navy, 392. Bob and the Doctor, a New Song, 398. New Books, Anderson's Journal, 400. Constantinople, 400. Genoa, 401. Paris, 401. Trial for High Treason at York Assizes, 401. Parliamentary Minutes, 402. King's Message, 403. Proclamations, 404. Summary of Politics, 406. Army and Navy, 412. Mechanical Ministry, 412. Dey of Algiers, 415. French Expedition to the East-Indies, 416. Petersburgh, 416. King of Sardinia, 416., 385] TO R. B. SHERIDAN, ESQ. 66 66 [366 "in by a Member of the British Parlia"ment (LOUD and INDIGNANT cry of "hear! hear!)-Mr. Sheridan proceeded to say, that whatever were the motives of "that new reluctance to war, which seemed so suddenly to have seized the Right "Honourable Gentleman, his reluctance "could not be more earnest and sincere "than his own was.-He deprecated war "from every feeling of his heart, and every "suggestion of his reason. He adjured "Ministers to try to their extent, what temper, what conciliation, what even "concession, without forfeiture of honour, "could do;-but if all these sincerely at"tempted should fail, and the dire necessity of renewing the war should be forced on us, he would not endure for a moment to "be told, that the energies of the countrywere so exhausted, that we had no course "left but submission. No; he trusted, that "in spite of the audacious boast of the "First Consul, that it would be mani"fested to him, and even to the Right Hon. "Gentleman, that there were still left "spirit and resources in British hearts, not merely to protect the existence of their "country, but to avenge the slightest insult upon its honour."-Now, Sir, I first assert, that Mr. Windham uttered no such sentiment as is here imputed to him. He did not say, that this country ws, even in its present ruined and disheartened state, unable, singly, to contend against France; and, it follows of course, that your speech, as reported in this news-paper, is a gross misrepresentation of the sentiments of the Right Hon. Gentleman; which misrepresentation has been, I perceive, circulated through all the numerous channels of the press, and that, too, with uncommon pains and malignity. SIR,-I am one of those who think that the publishing of parliamentary debates is a violation of the spirit of the English government; but, as long as the publication of these debates is tolerated, they appear to be a fair subject of comment, through the same channel that conveys them to the world; otherwise, matter calculated to do infinite injury, not only to the character of persons both in and out of the Legislature, but to the public weal, may, under the title of debates, be circulated, and if so circulated, must necessarily obtain belief.--Upon this principle it is, Sir, that I take the liberty to trouble you with a few remarks on a publication, which appeared in the Morning Post of the 10th instant, purporting to be a speech delivered by you, on the preceding day, in the House of Commons, on a motion for an address to his Majesty in consequence of his gracious message relative to preparations for war. Of this speech, or pretended speech, the passage to which I more particularly allude is this:"We that opposed the peace, "said the Right Honourable Gentleman" "(Mr. Windham), must be presumed to "be the persons most reluctant to renew "the war, because our strongest motive and argument for condemning the peace was, that it left us no means of resenting "future injuries, or, on whatever provo"cation, of renewing future hostility. But "he went further still, for he declared, "that EVEN IF OUR EXISTENCE AS A NATION WAS THE QUESTION, THE PEACE HAD LEFT US WITHOUT ABILITY TO MEET THE CONTEST. This 66 pusillanimous doctrine Mr. Sheridan reprobated in terms of animated indigna"tion (accompanied by applauding cheers from "all parts of the House.)-What, Sir, he said, "is this the language to hold atsuch a mo"ment as the present? I have heard, indeed, "that the First Consul of France has mo"destly proclaimed to the vassal Thrones of Europe, that England is no longer "able to contend single-handed with “France-but I did not expect to hear "this sentiment re-echoed and acquiesced 66 But, Sir, upon the supposition that you did, on this occasion, speak the words ascribed to you, it seems to me not improper for any one to compare the opinion which they convey, with opinions before delivered by you, relative to the same subject. And here I beg leave to remind you of certain circumstances, in which i myself have some little concerii. After the conclusion of the preliminaries of peace, and previous to the meeting of Parliament, you did me the favour to call at the shop, which I then kept, to enquire for a complete series of the letters which I had published on the peace. The series was not to be had, but I promised to send it when re-printed. I seized this opportunity to enforce, by some few remarks, the fearful truths which I had endeavoured to impress on the minds of the public, and to conjure you, by the love that you bore your country, to throw aside, in this her hour of distress, all party considerations, and to bend the whole foice of your talents towards the prevention, while yet there was time, of the great and imminent dangers, to which not only her commercial and poli. tical interests, but also her independence and her very existence, were exposed. When my letters were re-printed, with the addition of those addressed to Mr. Addington, I did myself the honour to send. you a copy, accompanied with a note, begging you to read them with attention, and expressing my hope that, whether I was right or wrong, you would be satisfied that I had, at any rate, some degree of reason, whereon to urge the soundness of my opinions, and the sincerity of my alarm. since surrendered, without extorting from you one single word of censure! Having heard you express your joy at a measure, which you very explicitly and very justly described as "involving a de"gradation of the national dignity," I was somewhat better prepared for your justification of the definitive treaty. Yet, as that compact contained so many and such striking deviations from the basis of the preliminaries, as its new concessions were so great and so shockingly disgraceful, and as France had, in the interim, made such fearful strides of ambition, I was still in hopes that, when the treaty came to be discussed, your " English feeling" would finally break forth. But, I was again disappointed. You still were glad." You styled the treaty," a degrading treaty," a "perilous "and hollow truce;" and yet you concluded with a motion for an address to the King, expressing an opinion, that the "state of "affairs rendered peace so necessary, as to "justify the important and painful sacrifices "which his Majesty had been advised to "make for the attainment thereof+"Thus, Sir, you declared most unequivocally, that a compact, which was degrading, perilous, and hollow, was, nevertheless, ne cessary. From what, then, I pray you, Sir, did this imperious, this dire necessity arise? From the territorial aggrandisement of France, from the vast increase of her military means and power? or did it arise from the decrease experienced by us in these respects; or, from the falling off in our commerce, our credit, or our pecuniary resources? If not from these causes, it will, I imagine, be impossible for you to pretend, that from any other causes, the dreadful necessity, the necessity of a disgraceful peace, arose; and, not to trouble you with the detail of the question, is there any one, having the least pretention to common sense, common observation, and common sincerity, who will deny, that all these causes are, in their several degrees, now more powerful than ever in their operation against our ability to wage war with France? How then, Sir, will you reconcile to reason, to duty, and, above all, to that consistency of which you profess to be so tenacious? how will you thus reconcile your joy at a disgraceful I was not, indeed, vain enough to imagine, that what I had said, or what I had written, would produce any very great effect on you; but, I must confess, that, after your memorable declaration, your famous effusion of "English feeling," as the news-paper people phrase it, at the time when the country was called upon to resist the Northern Confederacy; I must confess that, when I recollected your having, on that occasion, declared that the national flag ought to be nailed to the mast, and that we should triumph, or sink in the attempt; I must confess that, when I adverted to that noble instance of your devotion to the honour of your country, I was astonished, utterly asto-nished and confounded, to hear your voice amongst those of the defenders of the preliminary treaty; to hear you say, that you were glad of a treaty that you could not be proud of; glad of a treaty "involving a de"gradation of the national dignity, which 66 no truly English heart could feel with in"difference," a species of joy very lit-peace, then, with your lofty opinion of our tle compatible, I thought, with that nice sense of honour, that lofty spirit, which would have counselled the sinking of the nation, rather than yield the right of rummaging the holds of neutral vessels, a right which the present ministers have, in reality, * See Debates, Register, Vol. II. p. 1096. ability now? You, who would have sunk * Debates, Register, Vol. II. p. 1360. # See Register, p. 347, for this detail. |