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proclamation. Great quantities of American produce, brought down the Mississippi in slight built boats, had arrived at New Orleans, and a considerable portion of it had been lost in the river, in consequence of their being no place to deposit it. One boat, loaded with cotton, had, by accident, been sunk in the river. The cotton was taken up, and landed on one of the wharfs, until it could be put on board an American ship; but, the Intendant on hearing thereof, ordered it to be instantly removed, on pain of its being thrown into the dock. But, the tenor of the Royal Order of Spain for the surrender of Louisiana to France, has created, amongst the Americans, more resentment than all their other injuries and insults put together. This order states, in substance, that his Catholic Majesty has agreed to cede the province, as it was held by the French when ceded to his Majesty; that is, unencumbered with the stipulations of the American treaty. In consequence of all these signs of approaching danger, several of the Atlantic state legislatures have come to resolutions expressive of their determination to support the general government of the union in resisting all acts of aggression and injustice, which have taken place, or may take place, relative to the Mississippi; and, the people on the Western side of the Alleghany mountains have addressed themselves to the President and two Houses of Congress, in a tone, which shew, at once, the magnitude of the injury they suffer, their impatience at the forbearance of the general government, and the total want of power, in that government, to retain their allegiance, one hour longer than they are disposed to yield it.-But we must hear themselves speak :-" We, the

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undersigned inhabitants of the Western "Country, respectfully represent-That the "Port of New Orleans is closed against us, "by a decree of the Spanish Intendant."That we owe the United States arrears "of excise, and other debts and taxes, and "have no means to discharge those de"mands, but the produce of our farms. "That shut out, as we are, from a market "for our produce in the East, it must rot " on our hands, unless the government re"ceive it from us at a reasonable price,

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not unnecessarily to embarrass the com"munication between the United States, " and the Spanish government, nor wan"tonly to break in upon an amicable ad"justment of a difference, which has arisen "from an unprovoked violation on their

part, of a solemn treaty; but we wish "the United States, explicitly to understand, "that our situation is critical, that delay

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EVEN FOR ONE SEASON would prove RUINOUS to our country; and that impe"rious necessity may therefore compel us, "unless relief is afforded, to resort to measures which we may deem calculated to "insure protection to our trade, though they may result in consequences unfa"vourable to the barmony of the Union."That is to say, that unless the general government can open for them the mouth of the Mississippi and its ports, they may be compelled to separate themselves from the union.-Lord Hawkesbury will say, that this looks well; that "putting the French upon the back of the Americans will attach "the latter more closely to Great Britain." Yes; if you are ready to go to war for the purpose of aiding the Americans, this is true enough; but, then, what becomes of that long, secure, and thriving peace; that "peace and a large loaf," that "husbanding "of our resources," which were the objects of the treaty of Amiens, and for which objects such immense sacrifices were made? This address of the western people does not, however, discover any hostility to France; their hostility is to whoever shuts the mouth of the Mississippi against them, and their address clearly shows, that they, at any time, can, and will, transfer their allegiance to whomsoever will secure to them the free navigation and the use of the ports of that river. If, then, France be permitted to enter on the territory ceded to her by the Spaniards, she instantly becomes, if she chooses it, the sovereign of these people, and has at her command the means of destroying our West-India Colonies, and the American Union too. This is not, however, the course she will be likely to pursue. She

will, as we have remarked over and over again *, make use of this new acquisition for the purpose of furthering her great, and, indeed, her sole object, that object to which she renders all others subservient,-the destruction of the commerce and credit of Great Britain, and, finally, the subjugation of Great Britain herself. We reminded the ministers, before the definitive treaty was concluded, that if they made that treaty, tacitly acknowledging as valid, the cession of Louisiana to France, that the commercial relationships of the United States must inevitably fall under the controul of Buonaparté or his successor; and, the public, who, as well as the ministers, then turned a deaf ear to us, will now probably pay more attention to the Americans themselves, amongst whom this opinion is become universal. We shall, out of hundreds of ar. ticles which lie before us, in the American papers, take the following from a Charlestown print, called THE TIMES, of the 15th of February last." If we once begin to "negotiate with Buonaparté, we are un"done. He knows how to mingle, to the

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greatest degree of nicety and precision, "all the materials of his universal nostrum, "treaty: he, better than any one, under"stands his man, and knows how to ap26 propriate to his patient's nerves the the quantity of menace and concession, that "will best answer his purpose of bringing "down the fever of national pride. To 46 use the words of one of the greatest "statesmen living. The game will not be "fairly played. Buonaparte is a player, who, "if the game is going against him, will be apt to pick a quarrel, and ask us, if we CAN DRAW OUT Swords." + In short, some * See Register, Vol. 1. p. 44, 119, 266, 353, 398, 427, 443, 489, 515.

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This one of the greatest statesmen living" is not Lord Hawke bury; no, nor Mr. Addington either. The words quoted by this American writer, are taken from Mr. Windham's speech of the 4th of November, 1801.-See Debates, Register, Vol. II. p. 1161.-The reader will remember, that Lord Hawkesbury, in order to catch a little popu Jarity with the Americans, said, that Mr: Windham had under-rated the population and power of the United States. (See Vol. II. p. 1309.) has failed. The Americans despise him most heartily; and, this country may rest assured, that, while he is amongst the King's ministers, no confidence will be placed in British faith, by the people of America.- This "safe politician's" idea of "placing the French upon the back of America, in order to attach the latter more closely to Great Britain," has something in it, at once so silly, so selfish, so mischievous, and so malignant, that the people who should trust him afterwards, would deserve to be betrayed and destroyed.-Mr. Windham very justly reprobated this grovelling notion, this trait of low cunning: he said, "You

are placing a serpent in the boson of America, "which, 'ere long, will destroy her." These sen

"concession will be extorted, some com

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pensation demanded, which it would be "ignominious in us to grant. What will "be the consequence of refusal? The "Western States will be seduced by "France, and gradually melt into her arms. "Once a neighbour, and in the habit of "laying claims and making objections, of treating and of threatening, of frater"nizing with us or of cutting our throats, every day will produce some new trivial "demand, with which, because it is trivial, "and the evils of war great, we shall be "disposed to comply. Our commerce will gradually get under the direction of the Chief "Consul: our commercial relations with all the "other states of Europe will be made to give way

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to the designs of France, and we and ours "shall be as much under the controul of St. "Cloud, as Spain and Holland are at this mo"ment."- Here, then, is the comment on the speeches of our ministers; here is the test of the knowledge and foresight of the sapient Mr. Addington, who thought it as easy to attack the United States from St. Doming as from Louisiana; of the gallant and watchful General Maitland, who thought that Louisiana would give the French influence over the United States; † of the solid and steady, and safe Lord Hawkesbury, who thought that placing the French upon the

back of the Americans would attach the latter more closely to Great Britain; of the Master of the Rolls, who said that the importance of Louisiana had been discovered only a few nights before, and that, as to any danger to this country, from the cession of that province to France, such danger might happen, in the course of ages, but it could not be soon! And these, these are the men, that make our treaties! These are the men who have at their mercy the interests, the honour, the safety, and the very existence of the nation!

VIEWS OF FRANCE. Of the millions of rumours, which reach us from France, none, except those which speak of preparations and a disposition for destroying this country are to be relied on. This day fortnight, the last division of troops sailed from Dunkirk for St. Domingo (or for some other quarter); that was the professed destination of it, and it consisted of about 3,000 timents have not been overlooked, nor will they soon be forgotten by the Americans, who, if Britain were under the guidance of high and honourable councils like those of Mr. Windham, might easily be animated to such a resistance of the Gallic power, as would not only provide lasting security for themselves, but would, at the same time, give a decided turn to the affairs of the world.

* See Debates, Vol. 11. p. 1211. + Ibid. p. 1377. Ibid. p. 1309.

See Debates, Vol. II. p. 1344.

men, the remainder of the 89th demi-bri- | gade. Our ministers must, however, know, by this time, that these "colonial services" and enterprizes, which, even by the King's message, they teach us to regard as the means of our security, do not retard those preparations, which are intended for the invasion of this kingdom, and which may, perhaps, be regarded, by Buonaparté at least, as being also destined for colonial service. In the bason of Dunkirk, and in the Canal, leading from that place to Gravelines, there are upwards of 150 flat-bottomed boats, measuring 60 feet keel, carrying each a 24-pounder in her bow, and having stocks all round wheron to fix swivels. Of these boats, which carry from 100 to 120 men each, a great number are kept in the canals all the way between Dunkirk and Ostend; so that, in two or three tides, boats sufficient to receive from 30,000 to 40,000 men, can be assembled, at either Ostend, Dunkirk, Gravelines, or Calais. The same sort of boats are prepared, in great abundance, at Boulogne and Havre deGrace, In the Interior, the military conscription is going on in all its rigour. The conscripts, tied two and two, and escorted by dragoons, are marching to the army, from every village in France. The state, temper, and conduct of these people always put us in mind of Don Quixote's galley-slaves. Woe be unto him who attempts to set them free!Not that we are alarmed at these preparations; we state the facts merely as proofs of the disposition, not of the power, which France has to invade and plunder this country. We speak, however, conditionally here; because it depends, not on France, BUT ON US, whether we are to be subdued, or not.-Buonaparté and his comrades are resolved on war with England. Such a war is, for the reasons stated by our correspondent SwENSKA, absolutely necessary to the duration of their authority, and, perhaps, of their very lives. That they do not wish for war, just at this moment, we believe; yet, they will not make any sacrifices or concessions tous, for the purpose of avoiding it. To Russia they will yield so far as may be found necessary to insure her neutrality, which, with the aid of the Hawkesburian convention, will serve them more effectually, perhaps, than a co-operation, on the part of Russia, in the war. If our poor drivelling ministers have been supported, in their present fit of vigour, by any misunderstanding between Russia and our enemies, they will soon find that prop withdrawn from beneath them; for, the politicians of St. Petersburgh, will have the address to make our armament the means of obtaining their ends with the Consul, who, in his turn; will endeavour to

squeeze a compensation, of some sort or other, from us.-The system of the French, for the destruction of this country, is purely a system of terror, by which they hope, and not without some foundation, to break up our national credit *. For this purpose, they will make us arm twice or three times a year; and, they do, indeed, at this moment, absolutely "hold our funds in their hands," a phrase which, in describing their fatal influence, we made use of several months ago. When was it ever heard of till now, that the holders of stock looked to the French Houses for a signal for selling or purchasing? -It is truly pitiable, it is disgusting, to hear people expressing a hope, "that ministers "will not disarm, till they have settled all "the points in dispute, and have given us a "real, and not an imaginary peace." It is not in their power so to settle matters with Buonaparté and his comrades, whose trade is war, and whose system it is to keep us in a constant state of uncertainty and alarm,-a system never to be frustrated except by a war, a serious and resolute war, terminating in a reduction of the territory and the power, if not in a total change in the affairs of France. This remedy may, to some persons, appear worse than the disease; but, let them consider, that the disease brings certain political death, whereas the remedy may not only prevent death, but may preserve life, and even restore us to health. Nor let the selfish votaries of wealth and frivolity flatter themselves with the hope that the disease will be a lingering one. It will not be many years; perhaps not many months, in producing a catastrophe the most dreadful that ever was exhibited on earth. Let them remember, that the question is not, whether we shall have war, or live in peace, with Buonaparté; but, whether we shall have war with him now, or stop 'till the moment when it perfectly suits him.Against one thing, above all others, we beg leave to caution our readers, and this is, the delusive notion of security to be derived from the poverty of France. The statements of the French financiers may be very fallacious, as far as we know; but the falsehood of those statements do not diminish the means of the vast empire, which the Corsican and his comrades have formed, nor do they weaken those bonds, by the means of which the commerce and colonies of Holland and the mines of spain are made tributary to France, and are, in effect, rendered her property.-Upon this subject, we cannot help adverting to a passage in the ministerial paper, the True Briton, of Thursday last, a passage which is well worthy of the pen of our own able financier." In the report of See Swenska, p. 460,

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"the minister of the French finances, there "is, for the year nine, a trifling sum of "32,000,000 francs, pour faire des négocia"tions; and for the year ten, the bagatelle "of 15,505,000 francs for the same expenses "of negotiations, besides ten millions, called "unforeseen expenses. It is impossible, in "a more concise and clear manner to inform "the free French nation how nearly 60

millions are employed."-This really smells strong of the Treasury. But, are there not two edges to this Addingtonian wit? In the year nine France had to pay for negotiating the preliminary treaty, and, in the year ten, the definitive treaty! If, therefore, she gained, by the three millians sterling expended on those negotiations, a conquest which cost us three hundred millions sterling, she did not make so very bad a bargain. Her treasurer may not, indeed, have his conscience quite so clear as the Richmond Park Minister, the prosecutor of the tin-man of Plymouth; but, we think the 60 millions of ten-penny livres are, if we look at the effects they have produced, infinitely better accounted for than the last 60 millions of twenty shilling livres, which Mr. Addington has expended.

SAVINGS OF PEACE!-To "husband our "resources" was one of the motives for making the numerous and important sacrifices of the treaty of Amiens. What, then, will be the amount of those savings? This should be an object of immediate enquiry, did we not think it a mark of respect due to Lord Auckland, to wait the result of those deep researches, which, his Lordship is now making for the benefit of his country. We cannot, however, be expected long to restrain our desire to enter on this subject, especially when the reader is informed, that we actually have, at this moment, spread out upon the table all Mr. Addington's apparatus. Indeed, we do intend to make, next week, a complete exposure of this gentleman's financial quackery, from the conclusion of the peace to the present day; and, not to insult the understandings of our readers, we shall address it to the minister himself.

FIFTY SHIPS OF THE LINE.-Our readers will recollect, that, in the debate, on the 2d of December last, Mr. Addington stated to the House of Commons, that, such was the excellent situation of the navy, that "fifty "ships of the line, could, in case of emer

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gency, be got ready for sea in the course "of a month." That month is now nearly expired; for, though the King's messages, do not contain the word "emergency," yet an emergency must certainly be understood to exist now, and to have existed, ever since, at least, the message to Parliament, notifying his Majesty's intention to call out the Militia,

and since the issuing of the proclamation, by which that Message was immediately followed; for, the Militia law, 42 Geo. III. Cap. 90. § iii, authorises his Majesty to issue such proclamation, only "in cases of actual "invasion, or upon imminent danger thereof, "and in all cases of rebellion and insurrec«tion." Thank God, we all know that there is neither rebellion nor insurrection in the kingdom! nor has there yet any actual invasion taken place; imminent danger of invasion must therefore exist, else the issuing of the proclamation was improper, nay it was absolutely unlawful; and, if imminent danger of invasion be not "a case of emergency," we should be greatly obliged to Mr. Addington to tell us what he considers as the evidence of such a case. -A case of emergency has, then, if we suppose the cabinet to have known the secret only eight days before the public, already existed for a month, and, instead of "fifty ships of the line ready for sea," will the modest assurance of Mr. Addington enable him to tell the Parliament, that he has six ships of that description ready for sea? No; even he will not, he dare not say he has: for, there are not yet five, and we defy any one to disprove what we say. In commission! Yes, there are enough in commission. There are many in commission, without men, or sails, and even without masts. There are plenty of hulks in commission. How many ships are there fit for sea? That's the question. Week after week, we have said that we have not six ships of the line, in Europe, fit for sea; and can any one believe, that the ministers would not have disproved our statement, if it had been in their power? The newspapers make a great parade of ships put in commission and officers appointed. It is very easy to draw out fleets upon paper; but not so easy to draw them out of the deadening clutches of Lord St. Vincent. The public has been told, that Lord Nelson is to hoist his flag on board the Victory: if he does, he must hang it upon his walkingstick, or something else other than a mast; for, we are well assured, that the Victory cannot be got out to sea in six months.-At Chatham there were, last week, 190 shipwrights short of the peace establishment, though the men of 35 years were admitted. During the dreadful visitation, which the Admiralty Lords made to the Dock-yards, they turned off a great number of men, who had served 20 years, without superannuating them, as it had always before been the custom; and they are now actually endeavouring to find out these very men to bring them back to the yards. Since that visitation, the apprentices, in all the yards, whose time has expired, have generally quitted the

king's service, a circumstance unprecedented in the history of our navy. In short, such has been, and such is the distrust, the ill blood, the disgust, that pervades every department under these ignorant, capricious, and unfeeling men, that the whole machine is at a stand; and, if they continue where they now are, that machine will be completely destroyed *.

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Well must the public remember, and with no small degree of displeasure, the answer made to Mr. Elliot, on this subject, by Mr. Yorke, who, most assuredly, knew very little of what he said. The former gentleman had asked, on the 23d of November:-" Is Ireland in a state of safety? "Where is our channel fleet, the bulwark "of our coasts? Your savings have been "made out of the very vital security of the "country."-t To this the Secretary of War replied: "We have not, to be sure, "thirty or forty sail of the line lying at "Spithead ; but, we have a fleet greater "than ever it was in peace, or even during 66 part of the late war; not stationed in one "port, I allow, but scattered over the "world. With the aid of the noble Lord "at the head of the Admiralty, and the "regulations which he has introduced, a system "is formed, which would enable us, at any time, to put a force to sea fully adequate for our defence; and, therefore, there is no "cause of dismay on account of our "navy."-It is charity to suppose, that the Secretary's constant attention to his own office, rendered him totally ignorant of the situation of the navy; for, bad as this excuse may be, it is the only one that can possibly be offered for such a declaration, made at such a time, and under such circumstances. That Lord St. Vincent and his two sapient Phocæ persuaded the other ministers, and even them. selves, that they were able to send out a fleet at a few weeks notice, we can readily conceive; but that they never will get one to sea we believe most sincerely. The sysfem, to which the Secretary at War alludes, is, we presume, the new system of guarding this island by blocks and hulks! "We are "happy," says the ministerial paper, "to "state, from authority, that the blocks, "which are to protect the mouth of the "Thames, will be ready in a few days." What a source of happiness! what a subject

The two lawyers belonging to what has been very significantly called "the Navy abuse Board," lately instituted, have, we are told, resigned their places; so that, a new act must pass, we believe, or this board is at an end.-May not the resignation be a mere excuse for putting the disgusting and mischievous institution to a silent death? + See Debates, Register, Vol. II. p. 1687, lbid. p. 1691.

for exultation!-By referring to our account of the present distribution of the navy, p. 512, the reader will perceive, that there are now in commission, in Europe, 26 sail of the line; and, by turning back to pp. 143 and 310, of the present volume, he will find, that, on the 1st of February there were in commission, and, on the 1st of March, 10. Since the 1st of March, then, that is to say,

month since the ministry must have known of the existence of that imminent danger of invasion, and, consequently, that case of emergency, which they communicated to Parliament on the 9th of March; in this month, the space of time in which Mr. Addington promised the Parliament and the nation to get fifty ships of the line ready for sea, in this whole month only 16 ships have been added to the number in commission, the whole of which, even according to the swelled-out account of the Admiralty themselves, amount to no more than 26. But, let not the country deceive itself by this phrase," ships in commission." Ships may be for years in commission, without ever being, for one hour, fit for service. Mr. Addington's promise related to ships fit for sea. The whole 200 ships of the line may be put in commission in five minutes; but to get them out to sea, and that too in a condition to meet an enemy, is quite another thing. We have now 26 ships of the line in commission, in Europe; and, of the whole 26, there are not yet six fit for sea. We repeat this assertion with confidence; we pledge our veracity and the reputation of our work for the truth of it, and we call upon those editors, who are daily publishing such pompous accounts of warlike preparations, to contradict us, not by abuse and base calumny, but by facts. lumny, but by facts. We are not bound to prove a negative; it is, indeed, in this, as in many other instances, next to impossible to do it; but, if Mr. Addington had his fifty ships, or even five of them, actually ready for sea, how easy would it be just to publish their names, with those of their commanders, and to state, opposite each, the number of men on board? How easy would it be to do this? Aye, and how eagerly would it be done!-There is, it seems, one ship of the line got out, at last, and (see the distribution) she is on the Downs and North Sea stations. She has room enough at any rate. In the English and Irish Channels, there is not even a 50 gun ship. Suppose the French were to run out three or four ships of the line, with a few frigates, well loaded with troops, and were to make for some port of Ireland. What would be the consequence? And who shall say, that they will not do this, even while, they seem to recede from some important point in ne

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