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moons; surveys of the coast may serve to excite fear amongst ourselves, and mirth amongst our neighbours on the continent, “and may, moreover, afford occasion for a "few decent and profitable jobs; but, my "Lord, rely upon it, that if this our coun66 is to be defended, if this dear little try "island, this precious diamond set in the "silver sea,' is not, at last, to be rifled by a "host of the most desperate, rapacious, im

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pious and bloody villains, that ever dis"graced the human shape, it must owe its "deliverance, under God's providence, to "the hearts and arms of disciplined soldiers. "The sleek-headed shop-keepers and ma"nufacturers may hug themselves with the "thoughts of their salt water girdle' and "of the wooden walls of old England,' "and your Lordship may feel equally snug "behind your triple rampart of capital, "credit, and confidence; but, here, upon "this land, the French will come, and "here we must fight them, and beat them

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too, or surrender at discretion. In our fleet "there is, indeed, great hope, but at best, it "is only a hope: whatever depends, even in "the smallest degree upon the winds is any

thing but certain. To be in a state of defence, "therefore, we must have an army, an ef"fective, disciplined army. Without this species of force, we shall be in continual

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tain; and, this was done in a more positive
manner, by the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
on the 23d instant, by way of refutation of
the opinion of Mr. Burke, as stated in a
letter from that gentleman to Dr. Lawrence,
which letter had, in the debate I alluded to,
been read by the latter. (4) The minister,
while the minister of peace, but now the
minister of war; this war-minister said, that,
in a little time after Mr. Burke's opinion
was thus committed to paper, events arose,
which proved it to be totally unfounded;
whereupon he referred, by way of proof, to
the conduct of the militia-men, who were
employed in foreign expeditions, particularly
in Egypt. Now, Sir, either the war-minis-
ter meant to argue upon a fallacy, or he was
in a state of profound ignorance as to the
subject, on which he thought proper to
speak. At the time when part of the mi-
litia were taken into the regular corps, many
of them had been seven, and none of them
less than two years, embodied. The expe-
dition to Holland might, I am willing to al-
low, have furnished no very fair opportunity
for trying them; but, even several months
after their return from that expedition, the
Duke of York, in a letter to Mr. Dundas,
gave it as his opinion, that these same men
would not be fit for actual service, without
two months drilling. And, as to Egypt, Sir,
where the British army gained so much ho-
nour, the militia drafts could do but very
little, since all the regiments containing
them were left by Sir Ralph Abercromby at
Malta, Minorca, and Gibraltar, and never
landed in Egypt, till after the 21st of March,
1801; that is to say, till after all the fighting
was nearly over, till after the Invincible
Standard had been taken by my poor friend
LUTZ, whose bravery the ungrateful British
Government may yet, in time of need, look
for in vain. Besides, if the corps serving in
Egypt had all contained a considerable num-
ber of men drafted from the militia, what
would that make in favour of the militia
system? These men were, previous to their
service in Egypt, become regulars: they
had so become for more than two years, a
time much more than sufficient for the dis-
cipline of recruits, in a regular regiment:
so that, if the militia drafts, who served in
Egypt, had not been as good soldiers as the
rest of the British army, it would have ar-
gued, that they not only acquired no mili-
tary qualities in the militia, but that they
acquired those of an opposite description.
I do hope, then, Sir, that the Parliament and
the nation will not, for the sake of flattering
a dozen or two of holiday militia officers, be

alarm and continual danger. Do you think, "my Lord, that Buonaparté, or his successor, will ever cease to menace our coast? No; from this very hour, till some dread"ful battle has been fought on the land of "England or Ireland, we shall never expe "rience one moment's repose, one moment's "real peace." (3)-There is, then, Sir, nothing new in the principle of the opposition, which I have thought it my duty to make to the raising of 50,000 more militia-men, as the conscripts would, in reality, have been, if they had been formed into corps as was, at first, evidently intended.-Much has been said about slandering the militia: I have heard them slandered by nobody: I have heard it asserted, that they are not, and cannot be, fit to meet an enemy such as we have to contend with; and, this is a truth which will be denied by nobody, except, perhaps, some few militia officers, who are actuated much more by personal vanity than by any well grounded confidence in the corps, of whose reputation they would fain have us believe they are so jealous.-The conduct of the militia, during the last war, has been cited, on several occasions, in contradiction to opinions, similar to that which I enter

(3) See Register, Vol. II. p. 598.

(4) See page 966 for this Letter.

any longer insulted with these pompous panegyrics on the deeds of the militia in Egypt, a country where a militia-man never set his foot.

Since I began writing this letter, Sir, the Conscript-Bill has been read a third time and passed by the House of Commons; and, though it may yet be somewhat short of my wishes, as to one point or two, I cannot help giving it my hearty applause, and, I do really believe, that, if enforced in a wise manner, it will not only greatly contribute towards our present salvation, but will provide the means of bold offensive operations, and will be the foundation of a system that will res cue this country from the shameful state, in which it has long been placed, with respect to military force.-Some persons are afraid, that the mixing of the Conscripts along with men raised for general service, will be attended with great inconvenience and danger. I apprehend none from it, if proper regulations are adopted; and, I most sincerely hope, that the same measure, to a certain degree, at least, will take place as to the old militia.-The thing having been done, the good having been obtained, it may seem invidious to say any thing about the persons who obtained it; but, justice to Mr. Windham, Mr. Elliot, and Dr. Lawrence, demands that the public should know and remember, that every thing which this bill has of good has been introduced, in consequence of their having, contrary to you and your colleagues' express desire, insisted upon discussing it in its early stages What was Mr. Windham's objection to the bill? Why, that it dry-nursed the army, that it exhausted the source of recruiting for the line: "unques❝tionably," said he, in the conclusion of the speech in which he first opposed it, "I

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must object to it, in that part, which goes "in the first instance, and finally, to make it "impossible for us to bave an army.”—This speech awakened the attention of the Parliament and of the public; the advice of military men was found to be with Mr. Windham; the public joined its voice, and the feeble foolish project was abandoned. The Conscripts are now, much to their own comfort, as well as to the good of the service, and of the country, to be placed under the command of officers and non-commissioned officers already embodied; they are, (to make use of the happy recruiting phrase,) now about to enter into present pay and good quarters at once, and are not to be left straggling about bleating for serjeants and corporals to show them how to use their muskets; in a word, they are to go to fill up, in the first instance, and afterwards to augment, the com

panies and battalions of the line; which is the very object that Mr. Windham wished to accomplish, and which must be infinitely better for the men themselves.You and your colleagues have, indeed, said, that you intended to introduce the provisions, of which I am now approving; but, Sir, what will you be pleased to permit us to regard as evidence of your intentions? I should suppose, that a bill, proposed to the parliament to become a law, especially after that bill had been printed, might be fairly considered as such evidence. When this was styled a

tardy and indigested measure," great was the resentment of the solemn and pompous Mr. Addington; but, Sir, if you had digested the measure, if you had made it as good as it was in your power to make it, to whom but Mr. Windham has the country to ascribe the alterations, seeing that from him came the opposition to it, an opposition which was, too, in the first instance, received with every mark of disapprobation by the ministry and their regular supporters? The bill was not only read a first and second time, but it was recommitted a second time, that is, it was twice read, and three times committed, before the " well-digested" measure assumed the shape, in which it finally passed, before it became something totally different from what it was at first." It was your "intention" to make it what it now is! Where, again I ask, where, Sir, are we to look for the evidence of this intention? At the second reading not a single word was said by you or your colleagues about ordering the Conscripts to join the regiments of the line; on the contrary, you cheered Mr. Pitt's famous project for drawing them out into the line by means of certain Saturnalia, in the course of each year !!! " Mad, mad as "the winds!" said I to a person who stood beside me, in the gallery, when Mr. Pitt broached this project, which, thank God, has now been completely swept away amongst all the other showy nonsense of the plan. There are, however, I perceive, some persons who are attempting, not only to draw a veil over Mr. Pitt's defeat in this instance, but to give him the exclusive honours of the victory. Lord De Blaquiere, in the debate of the 30th instant, gave all the credit of the alterations in the bill to Mr. Windham ; but, this speech has been so reported by the True Briton, as to lead its readers to believe, that his Lordship's praises were bestowed on Mr. Pitt; and, in another part of the same paper, it is said, that Mr. Pitt, "by the aid "of his counsels IMPROVES every plan for "the national defence." Upon reading this, one cannot help recollecting the conduct of

th: Highland Society relative to the Invincible Standard! Mr. Pitt, so far from proposing any thing to improve the Conscript-Bill, defended it in its original state, both in its principles and its provisions; and, what is well worthy of remark, he began his defence of it by stating, that he not only approved of it, but that he approved of it FOR THE VERY REASONS, on which Mr. Elliot (who spoke before him) founded bis opposition! This opposition did, however, at last, prevail; the mad scheme of raising fifty new battalions, with new commissioned officers and no non-commissioned officers, was rejected; and now, hehold, Mr. Pitt is complimented for improving the plans of national defence! Mr. Pitt does, in fact, seem to understand very little about military matters; and mere eloquence is less likely to carry men away upon a topic like the present than upon any other: when their property and their lives are at stake, they do not content themselves with the sound of a speech. In time of peace, Mr. Pitt might easily persuade some of his hearers, that a broomstick is a better weapon of defence than a musket; but, when the enemy is hourly expected, speech so employed must necessarily fail of

success.

Before I conclude, Sir, I cannot but adyert to the charge of "creating despondency," which was brought against Mr. Windham, because he described the country in great danger from invasion, and because he gave it as his opinion, that London ought not to be regarded as the sole object to be defended: as to the former, it has been repeated, it has been rung in the ears of the ministers, by a very high military authority, and the latter has been fully corroborated by an Irish member (strange to tell!) amidst the plaudits of the "safe politicians," amidst the cheers of the candid Mr. Addington, who had, on a former occasion, worked himself into a foam in condemning the same sentiments, conveyed in almost the very same words, by Mr. Windham! The reason for this distinction is evident enough; and, if the catastrophe did not threaten to be so tragical, I should consider much of what is now going forward as a most excellent farce. Apropos of farces: Pray, Sir, what is become of that gallant gentleman, who reproached Mr. Windham with underrating the courage of the country, who rejected with disdain the base idea of our being unable to fight France single-handed, and who, from his valorous language on that occasion, has been exhibited, by the famous historical painter, Mr. Gillray, as defeating the whole French army with a dag. ger of lath? Pray, Sir, what is become of

the far-famed "English feeling" of this gentleman, that feeling, which (for what reason doth not appear) was, the other evening, so highly extolled by Mr. Pitt? What is become, Sir, of all this " English feeling?" I hope it is not an epitome of the feeling of the nation, and that this latter will grow weaker and weaker as the enemy approaches? Every word that this gentleman has uttered, during the progress of the Conscript Bill, has had a tendency to check it, to shackle the best part of its provisions. He has not, indeed, opposed it; but, he has, in no one instance, supported it; and, were he hereafter to be accused of having assisted in making the law, he has taken care to provide ample materials for excul pation! So much for "true English feeling!"As to Mr. Fox, his conduct stands in need of no comment. It is exactly what I expected. He bas never uttered one single syllable against Buonaparte or against Republican France. To oppose the measures of defence would not be quite convenient; and so he and his brother patriot, Mr. Grey, are now retired for the purpose of enjoying the uninterrupted indulgence of their "true English feeling," and of being prepared to behold, with dignity and calm, which way the cat jumps! These facts ought to be remembered. I have the honour to be, &c. &c. June 30, 1803. WM, COBBETT.

.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

The room we have to spare will hardly suffice for a bare enumeration of the topics, on which we wished to enter.The French Decree, relative to English manufactures, will not prevent the sale of those manufactures, even in France itself. War never has, and never will, for any length of time injure this branch of trade.Mr. Liston's Note to the Dutch government has been remarked on by the Moniteur, without much force of argument, it is true, but with enough to satisfy the people of the Continent, who are ready to believe any thing against this country, and for which, indeed, they cannot be blamed, after our scandalous conduct towards the King of Sardinia, together with the garbling of the state-papers, lately laid before Parliament.

Chaptal's circular letter to the maritime prefects has been followed by addresses delivered to the people, from the pulpit, in every church in France, exhorting them to rise as one man, for the purpose of exterminating the English nation. These addresses have been prepared by the bishops of the several districts, whence the editors of the London pa

pers, and particularly those of the Morning Post and the Oracle, have taken occasion to level a most venemous shaft against all the French Bishops, which have, at any time during the revolution, resided in this coun-. try. "The French Bishops," say they, "are"

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putting up prayers for the success of the French arms against England: those very Bishops, who, a few months ago, were "FED and protected by us. They are now "praying for an Usurper, though they took "the oath of fidelity to their lawful King." -Never was there a more false, base, and detestable charge. Out of seventeen French Bishops who have enjoyed an asylum in England, only five have yielded to the temptation of putting an end to their hardships by accepting the amnesty of Buonaparté; and, be it observed, that, during the last cession of Parliament, this very Morning Post, echoed the sentiments of MR. JONES, the famous parliamentary laughing-stock, who wanted the pittance of all the French emigrants to be cut off, in order to starve them into an acceptance of that very amnesty! As to the conduct of the five Bishops, we do not attempt to defend it: it would take much, we hope, to make us submit to a person who should usurp the throne of our Sovereign it would require still more, we hope, to tempt us to commit apostacy; but, if any thing could possibly justify this double infamy, it would be to escape from the imputation of being "FED" by the editors of the Morning Post and the Oracle.-The order, which, it appears, the ministers have given to block up the mouth of the Elbe, is most assuredly just, and, as far as we can see at present, it is politic. Indeed, it is the very measure, which we, towards the close of the last war, recommended as to all those "neutral" places, which contained French garrisons, or which were in a state of submission to the commands of France. Nothing can be more clear, than that all places, which are either unable or unwilling to protect the neutrality of British ships and goods, are, either from force or inclination, in a state of bostility to Eritain, and, being in such a state, are liable to be treated as enemies.-We

may be well assured, that the French will make a dreadful out-cry about this; but, if they find that we fear their out-cry, they will not cease to make it. Clamour costs

them very little; they have used it with astonishing success; but, as to the matter between them and us, it is now a mere question of strength. He who is strongest and fights best will come off victorious.

BREAD, for these three last weeks, has remained at 9 the
Quartern Loaf.

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15 per Ct. Con.....48 7548 5048 2548 1048 1048.20 49 50 49 35

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An unforeseen accident has prevent

ed us from publishing a supplementary sheet this week, and has, thereby, compelled us, once more to exclude our correspondents, for which we are extremely sorry; but, we trust, that having stated the true cause of the omission, we shall meet with their indulgence.

**The Apology for the Emigrants, by the CHEVALIER TINSEAU, has been published, and we beg leave to recommend it to the attention of all our Readers. It exhibits the best picture of BUONAPARTÉ that ever yet was drawn, and contains some interesting anecdotes, which we have nowhere met with.

The present sheet closes Vol. III. of this Work. The Supplement to it will appear very shortly, and, will contain all the usual articles, together with several very important ones, which will, we imagine, be found in no other publication, in this country. We have been careful to make a complete selection of historical documents respecting America, down to the close of the last session of Congress, which ended in March last. The Parliamentary Debates for the present session will be found very perfect, and most conveniently arranged; and, upon the whole, we trust, that so use ful a volume, of its kind, never before issued from the press.

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by E. Harding, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mall.

SUPPLEMENT TO VOL. III.

PUBLIC PAPERS.

PAPERS relating to the Negotiations carried on between Great-Britain and France, between the conclusion of the Treaty of Amiens, 25th March, 1802, and the recul of Lord Whitworth, from Paris, 12th of May, 1803, including divers Papers from the English Ministers at the Hague, Berlin, Vienna, St. Petersburgh, Copenhagen, and Hamburgh; to which is added, un APPENDIX, containing offensive Papers, published by France, &c. &c. Laid before Parliament, by his Majesty's command, on the 18th of May, 1803.*

London, May 23, 1802.

No. 1-(Translation.)-My Lord, The 10th article of the treaty of Amiens, which fixes the new organization of the Order of Malta, having prescribed various measures, to the execution of which it is necessary that the two principal contracting powers should concur, the First Consul has named General Vial as minister plenipotentiary to the Order and Island of Malta, for the purpose of concerting with the person whom his Britannic Majesty shall appoint for that purpose, respecting the execution of the arrangements agreed upon in the late treaty. General Vial will set out on his destination as soon as your excellency shall have informed me of his Majesty's intentions, and of the choice he may make. I have the honour to be, &c. Lord Hawkesbury, &c. &c.

Orro.

Downing-street, May 24, 1802. No. 2.-Sir, In answer to your letter of yesterday, in which you communicate to me the nomination, by the First Consul, of General Vial to be minister plenipotentiary of the French Republic, to the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem; I have the honour to inform you that the King has been pleased to appoint Sir Alexander Ball to be his Majesty's minister to the Order. Sir Alexander Ball will shortly proceed to Malta, and will be instructed to concert with General Vial the necessary measures for carrying into effect the arrangements relative to that island, which are stipulated in the 10th article of the definitive treaty of peace. I have the honour to be, &c. HAWKESBURY.

M. Otto, &c. &c. No. 3.-Extract of a dispatch from Lord St. Helens to Lord Hawkesbury, dated St. Petersburgh, April 23, 1802.-I hope very

*The Messages to Parliament, the divers Proclamations, Declarations, Instructions, &c. &c. relating to this subject, will be found under their proper heads, by referring to the Table of Contents, at the head of the present volume,

VOL. III.

In

soon to be enabled to re-dispatch your lordship's last messenger with the answer of this government to the communications which I have made to them, in obedience to his Majesty's commands, respecting the 10th . article of the treaty of Ainiens. the mean time I must not conceal from your lordship, that there is great reason to fear that his Imperial Majesty will decline taking part in the proposed joint guaranty of the possessions and new constitution of the Order of Malta.

No. 4.-Extract of a dispatch from Lord St. Helens to Lord Hawkesbury, dated Petersburgh, May 7, 1802.-I have reason to hope that the first impressions that have been produced here by certain parts of the arrangement relative to Malta, have been removed, and that his Imperial Majesty may even be ultimately induced to guaranty the whole of that arrangement; provided that the steps which have been taken towards the election of a new Grand Master, according to the mode suggested by this court, be considered as fulfilling what is required on that head by the latter part of the paragraph of the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens; and consequently that no new election for that office is to take place in the manner pointed out by the former part of the same stipulation.

Downing-street, June 5, 1802. No.5.-Sir, I informed you in my dispatch No. 10, that M. Otto had made an official communication to me, that General Vial was appointed by the First Consul minister plenipotentiary to the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. Sir Alexander Ball, has been in consequence invested with the same character by his Majesty. He will proceed immediately to Malta, and he will receive instructions to concert with General Vial the best means of carrying into complete effect the stipulations contained in the 10th article of the definitive treaty. By the paragraph marked No. 1, in that article, it is stipulated:-" The Knights

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