only by pointing to the unchecked supremacy which the events of 1870 have procured for the Czar, but by utilizing the personal influences that were at work in the bosom of the personal Government of Turkey itself.

against the myriads of Muscovy. So imminent is the danger believed to be, that the 25th of last month, the anniversary of the present Sultan's accession, was expected by numbers as the appointed date for the promulgation of the Firman which is to declare Ioussouf-Izeddin to be Heir Apparent. The nomination did not occur, but it is nevertheless believed that, though the fact be unaccomplished, it is intended for the near future.

From The Saturday Review. GERMANY AND THE POPE.

By the fundamental law which governs the succession in Turkey, it is not the eldest son of the Sultan, but the eldest member of the Imperial family, who ascends the throne. Thus the heir of the present Sultan, Abdul-Azis, is not his son, the young loussouf-Izeddin, but his nephew, Mourad, son of the late Sultan AbdulMedjid. This law is consecrated by the precepts of the Koran. But the Sultan of Turkey is not only Sultan of Turkey, that is, temporal sovereign of the Turks, but MUCH ingenuity seems to have been Khalif of all Mussulmen, that is, spiritual shown by the German Catholics in explainhead of the Mahomedan world. It is in ing away the Pope's pious assurance to the virtue of his sacred character above all, German deputation that by and by there his Mahomedan Papacy, so to speak, that will fall from the mountain a little stone the Sultan is really strong. The Sultan which shall break the heel of the Colossus. of Turkey, in his temporal character, might The interpretat on which they have chosen be indefinitely greater or less than the to affix to it is certainly not one which meanest of his present vassals. As Khalif, commends itself to unbiassed readers. he is sacred; and when the Green Banner The Pope hates Liberalism, and he no of the Khalifate is unfurled, the Mussul-doubt believes that some extremely unman who rises in rebellion is not merely a pleasant fate is reserved for its professors. rebel, but a blasphemer, foredoomed to But there is nothing to show that he had eternal perdition. Besides, while the Liberalism in his mind when he was speakTurks, who obey in the Sultan their King, ing to the German Catholics. Prince Bisare not twenty millions, the two hundred marck is not specially Liberal either in millions of the Mahomedan world rever-sympathies or in policy, and though the ence the Sultan as their Pontiff alone. As Sultan, Abdul-Azis, like all his predecessors, cannot inflict death without reason assigned. As Khalif, he can sentence to the bowstring, every day, fifteen of any rank, upon his simple order. In fine, the Khalif is all-powerful, the Sultan only an ordinary sovereign; and whoever may be the next Sultan, it is Mourad who must be the next Khalit. Up to the present, the Sultans have always taken care to do no act that might sever the Khalifate from the Crown. Abdul-Azis, however, is infatuated by the desire to change the succession of the throne in favour of his son and to the prejudice of his nephew, and it is stated that the support of Russia has been pledged to the suicidal design. It is not difficult to understand the action of General Ignatief. Though Ioussouf-Izeddin should be obeyed by a portion of the Mahomedan world, it is indubitable that a majority will be on the side of Mourad. Discord and civil wars are the legacy which Abdul-Azis would leave to his successor, and, amid the universal confusion, it is not an unwise calculation that the gates of Constantinople would be feebly guarded

Pope is not given to draw accurate distinctions between his opponents, he can hardly have confounded the German Empire with his old enemy the Revolution. There can be no reasonable doubt that by the Colossus the Pope meant the existing German Government. It does not follow, however, that Prince Bismarck's official journal is right in concluding from this that the Pope "aims at smashing the feet of the Colossus." It is probable that he intended the image in Nebuchadnezzar's dream to express a convenient allegory rather than to convey a serious threat. The Pope, if Dr. Cumming will allow us to say so, is probably well acquainted with Scripture, and the overthrows of evil powers so often foretold in the Old Testament and in the Apocalypse have in all ages served to give point and fervour to clerical denunciations. If the writer in the Provinzial Correspondenz had known his Bible equally well, he would have remembered that the stone which crushed the Colossus was cut out of the mountain without hands; and it is far more likely that the Pope meant to comfort the German Catholics by a general reference to the chances which the future may have

in store for them than that he intended to encourage them to any definitely hostile action against the powers that be.

Prince Bismarck rarely defies public opinion when he has satisfied himself as to the direction in which the tide is really setting. Instead of this the Pope, by a single unlucky phrase, has given the Minister the exact opportunity he needed. German Protestants and German Catholics will be alike alienated by the discovery that the fears of the Government have a real foundation in fact. Even the latter, when they see the Pope scheming against Germany, and moving Heaven, if not earth, to undo the results of the war, will watch Prince Bismarck's attack on him with composure, if not with active sympathy. Their interests and wishes are on the side of the Colossus, and they will not be inclined to quarrel with it for objecting to be crushed by the little stone. The Pope has allowed himself to be drawn on to fight Prince Bismarck on the very ground which the German Chancellor would have chosen for the battle. He has enabled his adversary to declare it "wholly unnecessary to enter into argument upon the question at issue." Even a German Catholic will ordinarily acknowledge that "when the Pope wishes that the foundations of the German Empire may be subverted, it is a work of supererogation to discuss the matter any further."

At the same time the imprudence of the Pope's language is very obvious. Down to the utterance of this apparent threat he had, in some respects, the best of the position. The German Government has suddenly appeared in the new and odious light of a religious persecutor. Its excuse for this is that the Pope has suddenly appeared in the new and odious light of a fomenter of political sedition. Prince Bismarck may have good evidence for this latter assertion, but until now it was not evidence that could be easily brought home to the popular mind. He may see that an intimate connection exists between Particularist and Ultramontane agitations in the Southern States, and that in proportion as the clergy keep or regain their hold over the peasantry, the process of consolidating the Empire will be delayed and hindered. But the connexion, however real it may be, is not apparent. The opposition to Prussia is rarely confined to the Catholic element in the population. It is as often as not shared by democratic agitators, to whom Catholicism is utterly hateful. A little management on the part of the priests would have enabled them to keep their connexion with the movement almost The Pope's blunder need not be set down unperceived, and to represent the Empire to any profound political calculations. He as the natural foe of all distinctively na- had good cause to be angry with the Gertional and patriotic aspirations. By this man Government, and he expressed himmeans it would have been made to appear self with the hasty imprudence natural to that Prince Bismarck was simply giving a angry men. Indeed, the very form which false excuse for his ecclesiastical policy, his anger took seems to show that he has that he nourished a Protestant hatred nothing definite to look forward to. When against the religious Orders, and was try- you do not see that any immediate evil is ing to conceal it under the disguise of sec- likely to befall your enemy, it is some conular necessities. In an Empire where the solation to indulge in vague predictions of Catholic element is still large, and where future misfortunes. If the Pope had seen the members of the rival Churches have any prospect of aid from France or Russia, been accustomed for a long time back to he would probably have held his tongue live at peace with one another, anything about little stones. Unfortunately for approaching to religious intolerance on the himself, hasty mistakes often beget leisurėpart of the Government is both inconven- ly repentance, and even Pius IX. may live ient and distasteful. It imports all manner to wish that he had restrained his inclinaof unpleasantness into their domestic and tion to call the German Empire names. social relations. It exhibits them to the The initial error of making an enemy of world in the disagreeable light of men who Germany is not so easily accounted for. are contradicting their own repeated de- There were many reasons why the Pope clarations and failing to do as they would should have pursued a directly opposite be done by. The Pope had only to play policy. Prince Bismarck had until lately his cards carefully to reap the full advan- been ostentatiously civil to him, and had tage of this feeling. If he had abstained shown an equally marked contempt for the from using any kind of menace against Old Catholic opposition. Ultramontanism Germany, or giving the Government any with its exaggerated deference to authoriovert justification for its hostility to the ty has a certain attraction for statesmen of Church, public opinion would have gone an autocratic turn of mind, and in the case against any resort to violent measures, and of Prussia there was really no cause what

office.

From The Journal des Debats.

M. LEMOINNE ON ARBITRATION.

ever why the Government and the Church of German unity. It is not enough that should not be perfectly good friends. In the Church should be free in Germany, unBavaria, where the Sovereign is a Catho- less it is at the same time supreme in Italy. lic, and where the antagonism between the Excessive finesse has always been the charinfallibilist and fallibilist elements in the acteristic weakness of Papal policy, and at Church is public and irreconcilable, there this moment the diplomatists of the Roare constant occasions of quarrel; but in man Court are probably intent upon elabPrussia, where the Sovereign is a Protest- orate calculations as to what will happen ant, and the Catholic population is almost when the German Empire has gone to entirely Ultramontane, the bishops would pieces from internal disruption, and France have been left to take their own course, is once more left free to wreak her venand to excommunicate whomsoever they geance upon the "Subalpine Government." would. In other instances the Pope has The next Pope will perhaps have cause to not shown himself blind to the advantages wish that his predecessor had given a little of having to deal with heretical Govern- more thought to the spiritual side of his ments. His disposition towards England, in spite of her very pronounced Protestantism, has been uniformly friendly, and if he had to name the country in which the Church is most fairly treated, he would probably fix upon Ireland. There is no reason to doubt that, if the Pope had held himself as much aloof from the internal politics of Germany as he has done from those of Great Britain, his relations with the Government would have been equally harmonious, and the position of the Catholic Church would have been even more favourable. There is much less of theological antagonism to Catholicism in Germany than there is in this country, and much less of suspicion founded on past persecution on the one side and past conspiracies on the other. This promising future the Pope deliberately resolved to cast aside. Instead of allying itself with the new Empire, as it might easily have done, instead of remaining neutral in the contest between Imperial and Particularist tendencies, as it was plainly bound to do, the Roman Catholic Church has thrown itself hotly into the struggle, and has taken the side with which to all appearance it has least in common. The explanation of this inconsistency is, that the Pope has followed the example of his predecessors in the sixteenth century, and sacrificed the interests of his Church to the necessities of his throue. The German Government would have behaved with the utmost friendliness to his spiritual subjects, but it was not prepared to give him any countenance in regaining his temporal subjects. Italy had been kept neutral during the war by the promise of a corresponding neutrality on the Roman question, and the consolidation of the German Empire is seemingly a virtual assurance that the Papal sovereignty will not be allowed to avail itself of external aid, supposing such aid should ever be forthcoming. It is this conviction that has led the Pope to declare himself the enemy

EXPERIENCE, unfortunately, in past ages as well as at present, compels us to be not only sceptical but incredulous. No; we have not yet arrived at a social era when arrogance and violence can be arrainged before a higher tribunal, and when international judges will decide upon the question of peace and war. It is a great advance and a good example that two countries like England and America should have laid their cause before a court composed of Italians, Swiss, and Brazilians; but we have seen to how many vicissitudes the particular arbitration has been subject, although pecuniary question formed the staple portion of the matters in dispute. An amphictyonic tribunal can only try parties which are either agreed beforehand or incapable of resistance. In the present case it was as plain as possible that neither side wished to bring matters to an open rupture, and the solution was facilitated by the reciprocal understanding. But if England and America had any real motives for going to war, they would not have admitted any arbitration. "La force prime le droit." This sentence has passed into a proverb, and although the statesman to whom it has been attributed denies ever having made use of it, it was uttered by the President of the Geneva tribunal. Like him we consider it to be an insult upon justice and civilization, but it is not an insult upon truth and history, to which it is unfortunately too closely related. Arbitration, is all very well for the earthen vessels, but not for the brazen pots, and there exist uncontrollable forces the shock of which diplomacy is harmless to prevent. They are like the encounter between two

locomotives, which crush all that comes in gious antagonism, or princely ambitions. their way. After the Crimean war the In the days when there was only one Powers which met at the Congress at religion and one Church, the popes exerParis undertook not to declare war in fu-cised a moral intervention, imposed the ture without submitting their reasons for truce of God, and traced the frontier lines doing so to the neutral Powers. This is, not only upon the land but upon the seas. no doubt, the reason why since that time Contemporary generations were brought France has waged war against Italy, up in hatred of the Holy Alliance; and Prussia against Austria, and Germany yet when one reads its phraseology, against ourselves. We are curious to slightly tinged with mysticism, it is imposknow what became of arbitration on these sible not to distinguish in it the veritable occasions. Arbitration, in reality, is only basis of the pacification and reconciliation exercised by the stronger nations upon the of peoples. But in the present day tribuweaker. Thus in many instances during nals of arbitration can only settle mere the last forty years the alliance of France material questions. Even within these and England has prevented local quarrels limits we have seen how often the negotiafrom setting all Europe in a blaze. The tions have been upon the point of being great Powers constitute an amphictyonic broken off, nor are we now quite sure that tribnnal as far as smaller nations are con- it is terminated. We agree with all our cerned. But when the larger nations fall hearts in the sentiments expressed by the out amongst themselves, what force in the President of the tribunal at Geneva, but world can control them? It is in this our illusions cannot go so far as to lead us sense that "la force prime le droit." to believe that this arbitration constitutes There is a great difference between arbi-a principle of international legislation, and tration which regulates mere matters of heralds the dawn of universal peace. The money, like that at Geneva, and arbitra- proof of the contrary is too recent in our tion called upon to settle the far more dif- memory. ficult question of national passions, reli

NEW GUINEA.-A very interesting résumé of New Guinea. Commercial relations have reof the efforts now being made to explore this the cently sprung up between the islands of Torres least known, though perhaps the largest, of the Strait and the south coast of New Guinea, and East India Islands, its area being more than these trade channels may afford useful openings double that of the British Isles, is given in for exploration. Last year the London MissionPetermann's Mittheilungen. The causes which ary Society founded a number of stations on the have now made this equatorial island a centre south-eastern peninsula, under charge of educa of attraction appear to be as varied as the na- ted natives of the Tonga Archipelago; the mistionalities among which interest has been ex- sionaries Murray and Macfarlane, under whose cited. A Russian expedition, having the scien- superintendence these stations were established, tific exploration of New Guinea for its chief describe the splendid tropical scenery of Redsobject, left St. Petersburg in October 1870 (see car Bay, closed inland by the massive heights Academy, vol. ii. p. 442), and, passing through of Stanley Mountains, rising 13,000 feet. At the Straits of Magellan by Tahiti and the Sat- this place an earthen jar was presented by the oan Archipelago, rested at Astrolabe Bay, a natives to one of the missionaries, and the gold deep inlet of Papua, in September 1871. Let-dust used in its composition giving evidence of ters received from the leader of the expedition, the presence of the precious metal in this neighN. V. Maklai, state that he contemplated re- borbood, a vessel carrying sixty gold-diggers maining at this station for a few months to was fitted out at Sydney in January 1872 tɔ exstudy the habits and language of the natives plore the const; it suffered shipwreck on the before attempting to penetrate into the interior. reefs during the passage. A movement favourThe Papuans of this coast are exceedingly saving a German colonization of New Guinea havage, have no knowledge whatever of the use of ing been propagated in Australia, the Dutch iron, and few had ever seen Europeans. An have been awakened to a sense of their property expedition from Italy, under Odoardo Beceari, in the island, and a vessel has left Batavia to a botanist known through his travels in Borneo take formal possession of that district which and the Bogus country, and de Albertis, is also does not fall within the nominal limit of their believed to be at present in the neighbourhool | territories in the East Indies.

Academy.

4. OFF THE SKELLIGS. By Jean Ingelow. Part XIII., Saint Pauls,

5. NORMAN MACLEOD,

6. A NORWEGIAN DRAMA, .

7. AMERICANISMS,

WILD FLOWERS,

TO THE FORGET-ME-NOT,

425

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