time and passed.Mr. Addington moved, that the House do resolve itself the next day into a Committee of the whole House to consider of the salaries to be allowed to the Judges of the Vice Admiralty Courts of Malta, Bermuda, and the Bahamas.-Ordered.

[WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES.]-The order of the day having been read for considering the Lord's amendments on the Woollen Manufacturers' Bill,

The Speaker informed the House, that this bill appeared to him to be in some degree connected with that class of bills which it was the peculiar privilege of that House to originate, and in which they never consented to any amendments, inasmuch as by its enacting punishments by fine in certain cases, it so far went to the levying of money from the subjects of this realm; it was the custom of the House, on those occasions, to postpone the consideration of the amendments for a long time, and bring in a new bill altered accordingly, if the House approved of the amendments in

themselves.

Mr. Vansittart moved the postponing the consideration of those amendments for three months, which was accordingly agreed to. He then obtained leave to bring in a bill agrecable to their Lordships' amendments; which having obtained, he brought in the bill, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time the next day.

- Lord [JOURNALS OF THE HOUSE.] Glenbervie stated to the House, that no more copies of its journals were now printed, than when the House was composed of fewer members; that the number actually printed was too small to supply the demand, and that many very valuable reports, which had been presented by different Committees to the House, had been in a manner lost, from want of the means to obtain printed copies of them he was of opinion, that there ought to be printed not less than 1200 copies of the journals and indexes, and 1500 of the reports of the different Committees; he concluded by moving, that a Committee should be appointed to inquire into the subject of the printing of the jonrnals and reports of the House. This motion was adopted, and a Committee accordingly appointed, consisting of Lord Glenbervie, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Hawkesbury, and the law officers.-Lord Glenbervie then moved several instructions to this Committee, which were agreed to; namely, that they should present an estimate of the expense of printing the number of copies he had mentioned, VOL. IV.

and of procuring a fit place to deposit them, and also that they should superintend the arrangement of the reports and journals so to be published.

[ALIENS.]-The Attorney General brought in a bill for repealing the act passed in the last session, respecting aliens; the bill which he presented, and in which there were several additional clauses, was to be substituted in the place of it.-The preamble of the bill stated, that, "Whereas in the present circumstances; great danger and mischief might arise from the residence and resort of foreigners in this country,", and the provisions of the bill, besides em powering his Majesty's Secretary of State to remove such of them from the country as he should judge proper, laid additional restraints on their landing, restricting them to land only at certain ports, which should be assigned for them. There were several other additional clauses in this bill.-The bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time the next day.

[PROPERTY BILL.] The order of the day was moved for taking into consideration the report of the bill for granting contributions for certain descriptions of property.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he rose to move the recommitment of the bill, and, as a greater part of the clauses had undergone a minute discussion in the Committee, he should presume it would not be the wish of the House to resume the discussion on those points. But it would be recollected, that just before the breaking up of the Com mittee, some additional clauses were proposed, which the House ought to have an opportunity of stating their opinion upon. It was upon that ground he should move the recommitment. The principal points in the clauses related to exemptions from abatements on account of fines and repairs, and also the proposed exemptions with regard to foreigners lending money in this country, which might be subject to the operation of the tax. On the subject of the fines, it was necessary the House should be perfectly apprized before the recommitment of the bill. The mode of charging landlords and tenants in cases of fines, was a subject of much difficulty; but the mode he submitted was liable to as few objections as possible, though it was not wholly destitute of them. What was proposed was this, that where a fine for a lease for seven or fourteen years was paid, the tenant should be entitled to deduction for the fine paid, divided by the number of years upon which it had been paid. Suppose 7001. had been paid as

T

a fine for seven years, then the division of 7001. would be seven years, and the quotient would be the sum of 100l. for which the tenant would be entitled to be discharged. The sum for which he would be discharged was to be laid on the landlord. Suppose (what was impossible, but for argument's sake) that 7001, was to purchase an annuity of 2501. the effect of exonerating the tenant would be to subject him to the tax for 1501. and then the landlord would be liable to be charged for 1001. In cases of leases for years the mode would be similar. In what was called the legacy bill, there was a shedule, with calculations for two lives. It was proposed by the present bill to apply that schedule to three lives, and the number of years on which the calculation was to be founded was to be equal to the number of years for which the lease was granted, and that was to be the divisor. This was the principle resorted to under the income act, with this difference only, that the landlord would never be charged, unless he had actually received the fine.-The next point to which the amendments applied was that of repairs. It was a subject on which there was a great difference of opinion, and sure he was the House would perceive that it was impossible to apply the principle of an average in such a way as to reach all cases; at the same time, he was so convinced of the impossibility of the investigation of each particular case, that if it should be the pleasure of the Committee to grant any allowance, it must be on the principle of an average. The present bill was only to continue during the war, and this condition applied forcibly to the exemptions claimed for repairs. The object of the House would be, to afford compensation for necessary repairs, but to avoid encouraging landlords to extend their repairs, with a view to diminish the sum on which the tax was to operate. It must be the wish of the House to afford relief for necessary repairs, but to avoid extending it to those which were unnecessary. To. reach this object on any regular principle would be impossible, therefore the only thing that could be done was, to make the allowance moderate. The allowance under the income tax had been 3 per cent. He should propose, that under the present bill, it should be 2 per cent. Under the income bill, the allowance for capital messuages with farms was 8 per cent. and for houses to which no land was annexed, 10 per cent, From the best information he had been able to obtain, it would not be necessary to adopt this medium, for it would be recollected, that under the income tax, every year of

war had a tendency to increase the period of its duration after the restoration of peace. This being a bill which was understood to continue only during the war, he did not think the allowance for repairs ought to be any thing near so great. What he should propose would be, that in cases of lands and messuages there should be no charge; that an allowance of 2 per cent. for farms, pro vided the farm houses were not the object of assessment; under this bill, and on capital messuages without land, an allowance of 5 per cent. With regard to foreigners, and how far it might be desirable to subject them to the tax, for money lent to the subjects of this country, he thought the country would act with its usual good faith in exempting foreigners. He had bestowed the best attention in his power to the subject, and he acted upon the best information. Doubts were entertained by the highest authority, and among many members of the House, and therefore upon the principle quod dubitas nefas est, he should not adopt the tax with regard to foreigners lending money to British subjects in this country; but he proposed guarding, as far as possible, against those frauds which to a certain extent it would be fruitless to expect could be obviated, in consequence of the exemp tion in favour of foreigners. To the subject of exemptions in favour of persons having numerous families, he had also paid attention. He owned it would be desirable these exemptions should be in another bill, now before the House, for simplifying and modifying the assessed taxes, making them the object to which the House ought to look. The assessments had been made for the present year, and it would be impossible to extend the exemptions in the bill be had alluded to, during the present year, without a new assessment. He should recommend to the Committee to grant the exemptions in this bill for the present year, reserving always the power of changing them. This was not the stage for entering into minute discussion, but he wished to state the reasons why he proposed the recommitment of the bill, and having stated them, it was only his intention to comprise in his observations the nature and extent of those exemptions, He proposed there should be charged, upon income from 60l. to 4001. for each child above two or for three or more children→→ 4 per cent-Upon income from 400), 19 1,000l. for ditto-3 per cent.-Upon income from 1,000l. to 5,000l. for ditto -2 per -And upon income from 5,000l, and upwards-1 per cent.-It was his wish to cally the intention of the House into cllect, by

cent.

granting exemptions to all under 601. a year, and to grant abatements in favour of those above 601. and under 1501. It was to be observed, that the principal difficulty arose with respect to persons who were not assessed. In cases of mortgagees, and persons lending money, it was found difficult to apply a principle without risk to the reve nue; a mode, however, had been adopted by means of certificates, by which all persons who claimed exemptious from the commissioners should, on producing them, be entitled to have them considered as money, pro tanto, by those by whom they might be received. It would be found the most simple and effectual mode that could be resorted to. Having thus stated the points which had not yet been discussed, and to which the new clauses referred, he should not trespass further upon the time of the House, but merely move that the bill should be recommitted. -The bill was then recommitted, Mr. Alexander in the chair.

Mr. Pitt proposed, that for the greater accommodation and facility of discussion, it would be most convenient to canvass the amendments to be proposed in the different clauses as they went on, and confine themselves to do so, reserving till afterwards any new clauses or very serious amendments in the body of the bill.

The Committee then proceeded to debate upon several trifling and verbal alterations and suggestions offered by different members, very few of which were agreed to.— When they came to the clause which put the enforcement of the tax in the city of Norwich out of the hands of the magistrates, a member, whose name we could not learn, objected to this, as containing an insinuation rather injurious and of an illiberal nature against the magistrates of the place. He had been himself, he said, a magistrate of that part of the country, and a commissioner under the late income tax, and could assert, from personal knowledge, that nothing could have been conducted with greater fairness and impartiality. All he wished for was to have Norwich upon the same footing as all the other cities. He saw the two Members for Norwich then in their places. The one of them was scarcely known in the place, whereas there was scarcely an inhabitant of the place who was not well known to the other. He would therefore appeal to his personal knowledge, with respect to the character and conduct of the inagistrates, and it would depend upon the answer given, whether he should find himself or not under the necessity of troubling the Committed again

respecting the demeanour of the magristrates of Norfolk.

Mr. Fellowes expressed the greatest respect for the magistrates as well as the people of Norwich in general, whose representative he had the honour to be. But as it was sup→ posed by a great many persons, that a considerable degree of party prevailed in that city, he was not averse to the clause standing as it did. To this it was replied, that, whatever may be the political principles of some of the magistrates, the gent. who spoke last was not without obligations to them, as at the last election six of them voted in his favour, though candour, at the same time, induced him to acknowledge that eighteen of them voted against him.-After some further conversation, the clause was suffered to remain as it was.

A long discussion took place upon the clause for allowing certain abatements for repairs, in which many amendments were proposed and rejected, and the clause passed, with a few verbal alterations.

The Attorney General proposed an amendment to make a deduction in favour of the tenant for the fines which he should have paid to the landlord for his lease, and to charge the landlord for these fines. This, after a discussion of considerable length between Mr. Pitt, the Attorney General, Mr. Giles, Mr. Bragge, and others, was adopted as part of the bill.

Mr. Western proposed an amendment, to allow additional deductions on the incomes arising from dwelling-houses and farms, on account of repairs and improvements, which, after a short discussion, was rejected.—The Committee then went through the remaining clauses, and the report was ordered to be received the next day.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Thursday, July 28.

[REBELLION IN IRELAND.]-Lord Hobart presented a message from his Majesty relative to the treasonable and rebellious practices lately carried on in Ireland. It was the same as that brought down to the House of Commons.-The message being read by the Lord Chancellor,

Lord Hobart rose and said, it was with feelings of the deepest regret, he had to call their lordships' attention to the subject now brought before them. It was with deep and heartfelt sorrow he reflected on the violent and disgraceful outrages lately committed in Ireland; and if there was in those proceedings any one act of atrocity more horrible

than another, it was that of the barbarous murder of a most distinguished and meritorious character, who, one would suppose, should have been the last person to fall a sacrifice to the brutal and ferocious spirit with which those miscreants who destroyed him had been actuated. If ever there was a man whose conduct was more blameless than that of another, it was the noble person to whom he alluded. Never was there any man who merited less the resentments of others. In private life he was peculiarly distinguished. for his virtues; and, in public, he was eminently useful. He knew the excellent qualities of that noble person: he knew him as a private and public character.-As Lord Hobart was proceeding, he was so overcome with grief, that for some moments he could not utter a word; he at length apologised to the House, and trusted their lordships would excuse him for an irregularity which was occasioned by his feelings on a melancholy subject, in which he was so personally interested. (A general cry of hear! hear !) His lordship then observed, that besides the address which he should move to his Majesty, the House would probably on that day have occasion to adopt some measures of very great importance. He expected that certain. bills would be passed in the Commons, and sent to that House. One of these would be a bill for enabling the government in Ireland to try persons, charged with rebellious practices, by courts martial. In consequence of what had already passed in Ireland, his Majesty had the power to proclaim martial law there; but if that was done it would extend universally over the country; but by the measure now intended to be brought forward, the operation of martial law would extend only to persons actually concerned in the rebellion. The next measure would be a suspension of the habeas corpus act, by which the Lord Lieut. of Ireland would be enabled to detain all persons suspected of treason. These measures it would be necessary to carry into effect without delay. With respect to the nature and extent of the insurrection which had broken out in Ireland, he was not able at present to give so much information as he could wish; but from the accounts government had received, it appeared, that, except in the city of Dublin, the rebellion had not broken out to any great extent in Ireland. He understood, that besides the outrages committed in Dublin, there had been an insurrection in the county of Kildare. Every noble lord who heard him must agree, that the most prompt, effectual, and expeditious steps must be taken to put a stop

to those disgraceful and horrible proceedings, For the present he should content himself with moving an humble address to his Majesty, thanking him for his most gracious communication; and assuring his Majesty, that the House would cheerfully concur in any measures which could tend to restore general tranquillity in Ireland.

The Earl of Limerick said, that as one of the representative peers of Ireland, and the only one of them who now attended in that House, he felt it his duty to deliver his sentiments on this occasion, and to assign his reasons for the vote he should give. He lamented as much as any man could do, the fate of that truly virtuous and useful character, who had been most barbarously murdered. The act was one of the most atrocious that had been perpetrated for many years; and he fully agreed in the sentiments expressed by the noble Secretary of State, as to the excellent qualities of that noble lord. The horrible assassination of such a person was a proof that there existed in Ireland a spirit of that diabolical and dangerous nature, as to require such measures for its sup pression as those intended to be brought forward, and such as perfectly justified all the measures that had hitherto been adopted for the suppression of rebellion there. He had already had occasion in that House to defend the measures adopted for Ireland. He was again ready to defend them; he was ready to take his share of the reproaches that had been thrown out against those who had supported the strong measures put in practice there, for the suppression of insurrection and rebellion, and he would never alter the opinion he had formed on the subject. He highly approved of the bill for extending the operations of martial law to certain descriptions of persons in Ireland, because the difference between that and the proclamation of martial law by his Majesty would be, that this would reach only the guilty; whereas the other would include, within its operation, all descriptions of people, whether they were disaffected or loyal: he therefore considered it as a proof of the tender regard which the government paid to his loyal countryman, that the means taken to suppress rebellion came in such a shape. There would not now be any interruption to the civil tribunals of the country, which must be all suspended if martial law was proclaimed. The loyal inhabitants of Ireland would now derive the full benefit of the courts of jus tice; whereas none but rebels would be subjected to military tribunals. He equally ap proved of the plan for the suspension of the

babeas corpus act. The astonishment and indignation which he felt on learning these fresh instances of atrocity were greater than he could describe. But he had the fullest reliance on the firmness, the patriotism, and courage, of a large portion of the people of Ireland; and he entertained no doubt, but that those atrocious wretches who disturbed the public tranquillity would be defeated in all their schemes: would meet with ruin and disgrace. Before he sat down, there was one point on which he would take the liberty of throwing out a suggestion to his Majesty's ministers. On a former occasion he had observed, that there should be no distinction between the militia of England and the militia of Ireland, and that a small sea should not prevent the militia of one country from passing into another country. If it was proper at that time to adopt his recommendation, how much more so must it be now, for reasons which he would explain to the House. There were about 18,000 militia soldiers in Ireland at this time. With regard to the courage and the loyalty of those men, he entertained no kind of doubt whatever. But he must assure their lordships, and he spoke from positive knowledge and experience, that every art would be used, as had been used hitherto, to withdraw them from their duty and allegiance; and from the close connexion that existed between them and those people who might be in a state of rebellion -from the superstitious attachment they generally had for each other, and the influence which their priests had over them, it was impossible to say how far their loyalty might be shaken. He must, thorefore, again strongly recommend it to his Majesty's ministers, to remove the militia regiments from Ireland to Great Britain, not by any compulsory law, not by giving them an opportunity of volunteering their services, and when they came to this country they would be found as powerful and efficacious troops as any in his Majesty's service. He hoped he should be excused for throwing out this hint, but he did it from a real conviction that it would be highly beneficial in the present state of the country.-The address to his Majesty was then moved, and carried nemine contradicente.

[PRINCE OF ORANGE.] Lord Hobart moved, that his Majesty's message, relative to granting a provision to the Prince of Orange, be read. His lordship then moved an address to his Majesty, assuring his Majesty that the House would cheerfully concur in any measure that would promote the object of the message.

Lord Harrowby expressed his surprise that

the nobe lord had not explained the grounds of his motion.

Lord Hobart replied, that explanation was unnecessary, until the House should have before it the measure itself for granting a provision to the illustrious prince in question. The address was then agreed to.

[MARTIAL LAW.]-Between nine and ten o'clock, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, accompanied by several members of the Commons, brought up two bills, one for trying rebels by martial law in Ireland, and the other for suspending the habeas corpus act in Ireland. They were both read a first time.

On the motion of Lord Hobart, the proclamation issued by the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, on the 24th, was read, and ordered to lie on the table.

Lord Hobart then said, that as it would be necessary to pass the two bills on that night, there must be a suspension of the standing orders of the House, which prevented the reading of any bill more than once on the same day. He moved, "That as it was necessary for the public safety these bills should be passed with the utmost dispatch, the House forthwith proceed to read them in their several stages, notwithstanding any standing orders of the House."

The Lord Chancellor said, the House had sometimes, in cases of great emergency, broken through their standing orders. They had done so at the time of the mutiny at the Nore, when a bill of the utmost necessity was read through all its stages in one day. But although this had sometimes been done, the House ought to come to some regulation with regard to its standing orders, and endeavour to avoid the inconvenience of breaking through those rules by which its proceedings had been regulated. As Speaker of that House he was bound to adhere to its orders: and if he should now, in opposition to an express order on their journals, put the question for reading a bill more than once, he hoped the house would relieve him from the responsibility he must incur by doing so; particularly when he did it by the order of the House. He trusted their Lordships would on some future occasion come to a determination relative to the standing orders. His lordship then entered into the merits of the bill before the House; and fully concurred in the sentiments of the noble lord who was representative for Ireland, as to the propriety of extending martial law only to those who were properly the objects of it; and with regard to suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, he