which were altogether irrelevant, and of a different nature, in order to compel the Lords to pass them, or else be the means of refusing to raise the necessary supplies. The present bill was intended to provide more amply for poor curates, and by it there was a power given to raise 8000l. which made it a money bill. The sum, indeed, was but small, but still it was sufficient, if the bill was suffered to pass. to trench upon the constitution and privileges of the House; and he warned their lordships to avoid so injurious a measure. No man could more anxiously desire to see that description of worthy persons better provided for than they were at present, who were the objects of the bill, than he did; but as the present session was so nearly on the close, and as the meeting of Parliament again would, doubtless, be a very early one; if the bill passed early in the next session, it could be no inconvenience to any one, and would avoid that unconstitutional step, which he so much deprecated. He, therefore, moved, that the bill be read a second time that day three months.

The Lord Chancellor agreed with the noble duke as to the origin and importance of the standing order he had alluded to, and stated in nearly the same terms. He differed with him, however, in opinion, that this bill did infringe or trench upon that standing order; for the 8000l. to be raised was not for supplies; nor was the other part of the bill irrelevant to it, as it was for the better provision of curates, and this 8000. was to go in aid thereof. He did not know, however, how far their lordships might be inclined to pass this bill, in the absence of so many of the right reverend clerical part of that House, who were so much interested in the subject matter of the bill, he could not say. If any information could be had from the two right reverend prelates who were present, he should be glad to receive it. For his own part, he thought it worthy consideration, whether it might not be as well to postpone it to the beginning of the next sessionwhich, as the noble duke had said, would, in all likelihood, be a very early one, and when the House would have the benefit of the advice of the whole of that right reverend bench.

The Bishop of London said, that he had read the bill with considerable attention, and highly approved its principles and provisions; he should therefore be glad to see it pass as soon as possible. As to the opinions of his right reverend brethren, he could not say any thing; but as the bill was to promote 39 worthy a purpose, he should be sorry it

should meet with any delay that could with propriety be avoided.

The Duke of Norfolk retraced some of his forme arguments, and pressed the House to agree to his motion, as the delay would be so short.

The Lord Chancellor said, that if the House did not pass the bill this session, and a bill of a similar tendency did not come from the other House during the first week of the ensuing session, he would certainly bring in a bill for the purpose into that

House.

The Bishop of London said, that if the House were inclined to postpone the bill, it was by no means his intention to persist in the opinion that he had delivered, but would acquiesce in the judgement of their lordships.-The question was then put, that the bill be read a second time that day three months, and carried nem. dissent. The bill was therefore deferred to the next session.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, August 5.

[MINUTES.]-On the motion of Lord Hawkesbury, a new writ was ordered for St. Edmund's Bury, in the room of Lord Hervey, now Earl of Bristol.—The Tortola free-port bill, the warehousing and bonding bill, the Scotch assessed tax bill, the Ame rican treaty bill, the Bell Rock light house bill, the con-olidated fund bill, the Canada Courts' bill, and the stamp duties' bill, were severally read a third time, and passed.Lord Amherst's annuity bill, the Irish giebehouse bill, the wine prizage bill, the assessed taxes' bill, the Irish sugar importation duties' bill, and the neutral ships' bill, were reported, and ordered to be read a third time the next day.-An account was presented of the increase and diminution of the public salaries and offices.A message from the Lords informed the House, their lordships had agreed to the Receipt Tax Bill, the Irish Tea Duties' Bill, the Deal and Dover Pilots' Bill, and the Customs' Duty Bill-The House went into a Committee on the Foreign Notes' Bill. The report was received, and the bill was ordered to be read a third time the next day. -A petition was presented from certain innkeepers, complaining of the hardships they sustained by the billetting of soldiers. -Petitions were also prevented from the debtors in the castle of Cambridge, and in the New Compter. The Lords amendments to the Volunteer Corps Bill were agreed to,

[DEFENCE OF THE COUNTRY.]-The General Defence Amendment Bill was read a third time after which,

The Secretary at War brought up several clauses namely, a clause to allow commanders of volunteer corps to employ serjeants to instruct the v1nteers in the military exercise, with an lowance of 23. 61. per day; a clause to exempt masters and mates of merchant vessels from the payment of fines; a clause for allowing lords lieutenants to appoint officers in the room of those displaced; a clause for enabling the lord lieutenant to appoint the deputy hieutenants to do duty for him in cases of sickness; and a clause providing that all persons enrolled should take the oaths of ailegiance and fidelity to bisajesty.

Mr Sheridan said, that, before the amend ments were introduced in the body of the bill, he wished to know, whether, by this and the former defence bill, the lords lieutenants and deputy lientenants would be entitled to demand of the different persons having horses, and of the proprietors and keepers of public conveyances, to provide those means of faci tating the progress of the country towards the enemy, in case of invasion, which clearly government might require. It was with satisfaction he had seen an advertisement of the postmasters, who had met voluntarily, and offerea government their assistance in conveying the troops to wherever they might be wanted; but he wished, in case of actual invasion, there should be a compulsory power lodged in the hands of the lords lieutenan's. He had, however, no doubt as to the zeal of the volunteer services; but at the same time he wished to suggest, that the coach uasters of this city should furnish government with the means of conveyances, in order to dispose of the force in a short time. He thought every means should be taken to convey the troops to the spot where they might be wanted, in as short a time as possible. He recollected that, in the time of the Holland expedition, the carriages were seized, and employed in a very tumultuous manner.

The Secretary at War observed, that an act had passed at the commencement of the session, giving a power to the lords lieutenants to obtain returns of all carriages and horses, and of persons willing to provide the same for the use of government.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, it might not be unsatisfactory to the House to know, that offers had been made to government to a great extent, by persons having post-horses, chaises, waggons, boats, &c, so

as to afford every facility to the troops and stores in case of invasion.

Colonel' Craufurd said, he was glad to hear that his Majesty had power to obtain such returns

The Secretary at War remarked, that every possible attention had been paid to the subject.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, the power was not given by any bill recently passed, but by a bill passed early in June.

Dr. Laurence expressed himself happy, that there was such a bill - he had not seen it. The Secretary at War said, it received the royal assent early in June. Gentlemen appeared not to have read it. The fact was, it had not been printed, because it was verbatim with the bi'l that passed in 1798. It contained a number of useful provisions, though it did not go to the length of the present measure by compelling military service.

Upon the question that the bill should pass, The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that a most extraordinary misconception had gone forth, as to his hon. friend having regretted that this bill had not been brought forward sooner. He had met several per. sons who had mentioned the circumstance to him. The truth was, there was no pretence for such an idea. If the bill ought to have been brought forward sooner, the blame rested with other persons.

The Secretary at War said, he stated, it might be a matter of regret that it had not been brought forward last war.

Dr. Laurence was sorry he said, to find, that the country was to understand from his Majesty's ministers, that they were not person, who looked to the present danger, but to old Acts of Parliament, to see what they could bring forward. There were two modes of making war-one with the talents and genius of a soldier, and apother, like an advocate, following precedents, and looking at what had been done in former cases, and following some direct tract marked out. The present was not a state of the world, in which men, by following tracts, could save the country. He was sorry to see them looking back to the year 1798 He would ask, was the danger then the same as it is now? It was not. Why not? The Continent was not so completely in the hands of the French; at least, she could not then avail herself of its resources. There were discussions with Austria which shook the dominions of France to its centre. There was, however, no want of preparations on the part of France. She filled her arsenals, exerted her little means to make that attack

it was probable she would now make. He had no interest in supporting the measures of 1798 for, when he gave his vote in favour of them, he declared they did not go so far as they might have done. He had heard an observation with regard to a friend of his, that he was blameable at that time. The fact was, he differed with some of his colleagues. It was well known that right hon. gentleman then held an office not responsible for the measures adopted by government. It was to be wished it was more reponsible. Why were Parlialiament to be told, that this or that measure was not taken when it ought to have been taken? The event justified the opinion of those who thought further measures necessary. The Army of England assembled to attack our possessions in the East, by means of Egypt, because, at that time, it could not attack Ireland. He believed the attention of France was directed more to Ireland than this country. He must allude to one thing the French could not, at the time he was speaking of, send down to Brest without fighting their way. There was then a force ready to assist the operations of this country. Many of those who constituted that force, when they found they could not obtain a decisive answer, were picked out, one by one, and destroyed. Many of them, to his knowJedge had been shot. He was aware it was impossible to have such a force on the Continent at the present moment. greatest probability of injury to this country by France, was by her making Holland one outwork and Ireland another, and by that means to cut off our trade. Persons who conducted a government should look to circumstances themselves, and meet new dangers with new energies. He observed, that it was the reputation of his hon. friend (Mr. Windham) as connected with the interest of the country, he should ever defend. His hon. friend, he said, was a great man, and while he existed he could not but merit that character. Upon the bill itself he should say but a few words. He did not approve of this complete change from the original view of the bill. It was at first a gigantic measure, a great and powerful machine, hazardous in the execution, but of great efficacy. Thinking as he did, that we must become a more military people than we had been, he could but regret a system which had been the total destruction of the recruiting service. He thought proper officers would have modelled the sort of exercise

The

adapted to different situations. He was of opinion that in maritime counties there might

have been that mixed mode of defence by sea fencibles. In inland counties, another principle ought to be adopted. Besides these, perhaps other measures might be necessary. He hoped too that at a moment of this awful description, there would have been some address to that Great Being who presides over human destiny. He had expected a solemn attestation of the kind he had alluded to. He was of opinion there should be a solemn religious appeal to Heaven on the day the associations were embodied.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, at this deep and awful crisis it could not be supposed that he could be insensible to the observations of the hon. and learned gent., or to the remonstrance or exhortation with which he concluded his speech. If that hon. gent. had read the bill now before the House accurately, he would have found that it did not interfere with the general and compre hensive measure of the former bill. The hon. gent. had adverted to the conduct adopted by the former government; he should never shrink from the principles that government had adopted. The right hon. gent., whose absence on this day was noticed, entertained an opinion that there was such danger impending over this country as required every possible exertion. If those were his real sentiments he should have uttered them before, not at this moment when the exertion was required. The hon. and learned gent. who spoke last, had represent ed his Majesty's present servants as a cold, tame, and inanimate set of men, capable of acting upon such measures only, in which they were warranted by precedent. When the House reflected upon the measure of the establishment of an army of reserve, and what had been done for these six months past, it would think that the ministers of the crown were not guided merely by precedent when they proposed a measure hitherto unparalleled in the annals of this country. When his right hon. friend, the Secretary at War, proposed this bill, it was to be considered that he was a confidential minister of the crown, a member of the cabinet, and responsible for any thing that is suggested. With respect to the right hon. gent. now absent (Mr. Windham), he need only remark, that he had been lately in the situation now occupied by his right hon. friend, and that any member holding such a situation must be highly criminal, if, holding such opini ons, he had not himself brought forward such a measure as he conceived to be best calculated for the defence of the nation. He professed no personal hostility whatever to

the expense of making an Index to the Votes, and printing the same.-Such compensation as his Majesty should think proper, to the clerks attending public Committees.-1501. to Thomas Tomlinson, Esq. for filing the registers for the use of the Committee on the Expiring Laws.-Such sumi as would be necessary to print 1500 copies of the Journals of the Proceedings of the present Session, with an Index to the 58th vol., the same to be printed, under the inspection of John Ley, Esq. by such person as the Speaker should appoint; and that no other should presume to print them.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Monday, August 8.

[MINUTES.]-The several bills upon the table were forwarded in their respective stages A number of bills were brought up from the Commons, among which were Lord Amherst's Annuity Bill, the PrizeMoney Regulation Bill, the Irish Glebe Houses, the Neutral Ships, the Wines Prizage, and the Irish Customs Regulation Bills. These were severally read the first time.

[MILITARY COUNCIL.]- The Earl of Suffolk observed, that being rather indisposed at present, he should beg the indulgence of their lordships, in permitting him to withdraw his notice, for the motion he had intended to bring forward that day. As he had just heard the House ordered to be summoned next day, he should take the advantage of the attendance, which such a proceeding was likely to bring, and submit his intended motion next day, as well as deliver his sentiments upon a subject, which he conceived of the first importance at present, namely, the general defence of the country.

Lord Hobart expressed his wish to learn the nature of the noble earl's intended motion.

The Earl of Suffolk replied, that what he proposed to submit to the House, in the shape of a motion, was for the appointment of a military council or committee, with a view to the better direction of the means of defending the country, and for the assistance of his Royal Highness the commander in chief, in the execution of his arduous and important duty.-After a short private con-. ference between his lordship and some of the peers on the ministerial bench,

The Earl of Suffolk proceeded to his place, and rising, observed, it was his wish by every means in his power to accommodate noble lords; as it seemed to be the desire of some that he should then go on, he would, indisposed as he was, deliver his sentiments on

The noble

the occasion as well as he could. Earl then, in a speech of considerable length, delivered his sentiments upon the important topics under consideration. In the outset his lordship noticed, that he was that day to have waited on the minister of the country upon the subject. It would be in the recollection of the House, he observed, that some weeks ago he brought forward the present topics to the consideration of their lordships; since that period, as he had mentioned his intention of doing, he had been to his estate, and among his tenantry, whose intentions he sounded, as to their coming forward voluntarily in defence of their country; he found them, on this head, patriotie and full of energy as he could wish, nor was such a spirit confined to his own tenantry; the inhabitants of the neighbouring parts of Wiltshire seemed animated with the same feeling and impulse: a number of men, to the amount of between 2 and 3000, appeared willing to enrol, and to place themselves under his command; the measures he tock in consequence, and what struck him in the way of argument upon the subject, he should presently state. The noble earl proceeded to observe, that so impressed was he with the sentiments he had stated on a former occasion on these topics, that he solicited, and had the honour of obtaining an audience of his Sovereign: he there delivered a letter to his Majesty, containing his sentiments respecting the defence of the country, and this letter he took the liberty to accompany with a variety of notes illustrative and explanatory upon the subject. However, notwithstanding he took these steps, and afterwards made the representation at other quarters, where he thought them most likely to produce the desired effect, no military committee or council was appointed. The noble earl then adverted to the steps taken by him to represent the matter to his Royal Highness the commander in chief, and those representations included the offer of the willingness of his tenantry, &c. He thought such a laudable and ardent spirit should not be suffered to cool. He therefore, we believe, principally in a letter to Col. Clinton, the secretary to his Royal Highness, represented the circumstances, and in the quarter which he thought the most regular and most likely to accord with his wish on the subject. He made inquiries in this application, as to the means of disciplining these, of providing them with arms, and to learn where they should apply for ammunition. He had waited once or twice on the commander in chief, in the hope of obtaining an interview on the subject, but, as it turned out, without