effect. On one of these occasions, he understood, the noble Secretary of State was then conferring with his Royal Highness on a subject certainly of the highest importance. In consequence of what took place, he was induced to trouble his Royal Highness's secretary with the letter above alluded to, and from which he read some extracts. Το these representations he received no answer. This circumstance, however, never led him to harbour an idea the least disrespectful of the commander in chief; on the contrary, he was well convinced of the talents and assiduity of his Royal Highness in the execu tion of his arduous and important office; but his well considered opinion was, and it was this principally induced him to come forward to Parliament upon the subject, that it was totally out of the power of any one individual, however exalted his professional merit, or extensive his powers, to attend, in the present circumstances of the country, and with such an unprecedentedly numerous force on foot, to all the necessary functions which their direction and command required. He was actuated by no consideration whatever derogatory of the competence and ability of his R. Highness, or wish to impede the measures of his Majesty's government, or of hostility to the present ministers. He thought most favourably of the first, wished to give every facility in his power to the second, and support to the third. It was his sense of its being impossible for one individual adequately to discharge these important functions which induced him to come forward. It may be alledged against his proposition, that his R. H. was sufficiently assisted with the advice and co-operation of his Staff, whenever he thought fit to apply for it-that he had the quarter-master general, and the adjudant general, to recur to whenever he thought necessary. Respectably as he might think those offices filled, he was of opinion the arduous and extensive duties of their own separate departments were sufficient for the exertion of their powers. In considering these topics, his lordship ob- served, he was unavoidably led to the repetition of much of what he had advanced on a former occasion on the same head. The experience of the benefits of the military council in France, which led to their brilliant and repeated continental victories, should be considered by their lordships. That committee or council consisted of but few members, but it was composed of the most intelligent military men in France: Carnot was one of its leading members. Their clevation of the well-known gen. Hoche was a striking circumstance while yet a serjeant

of grenadiers and a very young man, that officer presented a memorial to the committee, respecting the best means of terminating the war in La Vendée, which struck the committee as being so pregnant with sound sense and military genius, that they represented to Robespierre, who then had the chief direction of affairs, the expediency of elevating Hoche to command. He was accordingly very rapidly promoted, was soon after chosen to command in La Vendée, where it was well known how he conducted himself, and afterwards chosen to command the projected expedition to Ireland, where, had he landed with a force exceeding 20,000 men, their lordships would conceive what might have been done, when so much was achieved in that island by Humbert, an officer inferior in talent and enterprize, at the head of only 900 or 1000 men. With respect to the appointment of a military council for the assistance of the commander in chief in this country, he scarcely knew how it could be objected to, when it was considered that many of the leading officers of the state had boards or councils to assist their deliberations. For instance, the first lord of the Admiralty had a board of commissioners to assist him. The noble lord on the woolsack had the judges to recur to for assistance in his deliberations. The prime minister himself had the assistance and advice of the cabinet council; and so it was in several cases. Why then should the military commander in chief be alone deprived of the assistance and advice of his council? It was by no means his (the noble lord's) idea that the operations of his R. Highness should in the least be shackled or contracted by the military council, or even that they should possess the least control over him. He could recur to them for assistance or advice, but would be at full liberty to follow. that advice or not. However, in the present circumstances of the country, he deemed it more necessary that the military commander in chief should have assistance and advice, than any other of the officers he had alluded With them an error or false step might be easily retrieved. In military operations such might be of fatal tendency. This however, important as it was, was not the only topic on which he had to trouble their lordships; but one point which he had to advert to was of uncommon delicacy; he should therefore not comment upon it, a mere aliu-' sion wou'd be sufficient. He meant the offer of service which he understood had been made by an illustrious personage., Int considering this question it would be proper to recollect that his R. Highness was

to.

colonel of a regiment of cavalry, and had no higher rank in the army-a rank, which, however, he had held 17 or 18 years-if called out, therefore, he might be placed under the command of an officer greatly his junior. Alluding to the great importance of the life of this illustrious personage, it was to be recollected with pleasure, that there were other members of that august family, of whom some were ornaments of that House and an honour to their country. On the subject of appointments to command, and projected plans of defence, the noble earl made some observations. In the former, he had to regret the omission of an officer so well qualified as his noble friend (the Earl of Moira), who commanded with so much honour to himself and advantage to his country in America, where, at the age of twentyfive, he performed the most brilliant and heroic actions. America, he observed, was a country, from its peculiar nature and the difficult situations with which it abounded, fit to form good officers: many were trained there the war before last. The superior knowledge which our opponents naturally possessed of the country, obliged even the inferior officers to advance with the greatest caution and circumspection. With respect to the erection of works at chosen spots in the vicinage of the capital, and the formation of lines in other parts of the country, he made some remarks. Of defence, by the mode of lines, he seemed to think unfavourably, he scarcely ever knew an instance wherein lines, especially if they ran to any extent, were not ultimately forced. He was proceeding to comment upon these topics, upon which he thought some explanation should be given, when

Lord Hobart observed, that if the noble earl thought proper to proceed in such a line of observation and discussion, with respect to which he would use his discretion, he should feel it incumbent on him to move the standing order for the exclusion of strangers. It should be recollected by the noble earl, that, with respect to much of what he had latterly said, he could not fairly expect to be answered by his Majesty's ministers. The present circumstances were obviously such, as that ministers could not, consistently with their duty, say what they intended to do or not to do. He would therefore put it to the discretion of the noble earl, but if the latter persisted, he should be under the necessity of moving to enforce the order.

The Earl of Suffolk and Lord Hobart spoke in explanation, after which

The Earl of Suffolk proceeded to observe, that he should then have to call the atten

tion of their lordships to a topic of a different nature, but which, at the same time, was important to the general subject of the defence of the country. What he alluded to, was the conduct of the city of London on this head. Their lordships would recollect, that when he last addressed them on the subject, he alluded to certain letters he had received, one of which contained some strong assertions, and which, if true, merited the most serious consideration. His lordship then read some extracts from the letter in question and which seemed to contain some severe strictures on the conduct of those in power and authority in the city, with respect to the share to be taken by the metropolis in the general defence of the country; the original proportion of militia to be furnished by the city of London, it stated, as we could collect, to be 12 or 14 000 men ; this force it said was commuted in 1796 for two small regiments of militia, of 600 men each. It noticed the patriotism and energy displayed by the volunteers in the first instance, who came forward to the number of nearly 60,000, and declared their readiness to serve in any part of the kingdom; this spirit was damped by the conduct of the chief magistrate, &c. who ordained that the whole force should be divided into four grand divisions, and should be ready to act in case of insurrection or rebellion, but in this decree it appeared the word "invasion" was never once mentioned. The letter in other parts appeared to reflect on the conduct of the lieutenancy of London with respect to the quota to be furnished by the city, and comparing it with the conduct of the provincial deputy hieutenants, the former seemed to proceed in such a way as if they were ignorant that such an act as the levy en masse existed. Very different was the line of conduct observed by the city of London, in the memorable days of that illustrious princess, Elizabeth; it then came forward with spirit, alacrity, and guided by motives of the purest patriotism. Ships to three times the number of those required by government as the proportion to be furnished by the city, were speedily furnished and equipped. Men to three times the number required as its quota, were raised and prepared for service, in addition to which was a contribution exceeding 50 000l. an immense sum in those days. He hoped, however, the present exertions of the metropolis would be commensurate to the great stake she has at issue, and in an increased proportion to her present wealth and population. After recapitulating a few of his leading po sitions in favour of the establishment of a

military council, his lordship moved to the following effect: "that an humble address be presented to his Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to appoint a military council of general officers, and such other persons as his Majesty should think proper, and which his Majesty may have recourse to for advice, and which should also communicate with his R. Highness the commander in Chief from day to day if necessary, and also with his Majesty's ministers." On the motion being put,

Lord Hobart rose and observed, that on such an occasion he should certainly have to trouble their lordships but for a very short time. He had heard the motion, respecting which he must say, in general but distinct terms, that, in his opinion, if it was intended to impede the military dispositions and operations of the commander in chief, no proceeding could be more likely to effect it, than the very measure recommended by the motion. Under this conviction it was certainly his duty to resist it. The present organization of the staff was such as to answer every purpose, while the arrangements made under the superintendance of H. R. Highness, and which met with universal approbation, must clearly evince the measure recommended must have the injurious effect he described or else be nugatory, which, in the case of its possessing no control, it must incontestibly be. With respect to the communication made by the noble earl relative to the disciplining and arming his tenants, he had to inform him he took a wrong course-the regular mode would be to have represented the inatter to the LordLieutenant of the county, who would have duly communicated it to the Secretary of State-such was the regular channel. The circumstance of the noble earl having received no answer, was no proof that his letters were not read, and their contents duly considered. However the affair had nothing to do with the department of the commander in chief. Besides his staff, that illustrious officer had the advice and communication of the district generals, who were fully competent, from their local knowledge and admitted abilities, to afford it: in addition to which government were in possession of the opinions of the various generals who commanded last war upon all those important topics. With regard to what had fallen from the noble earl relative to the conduct of the City of London, on the present occasion, it may be matter of just consideration, how far the contents of such letters as he had quoted from may be true-and of the propriety of making their

contents public. Much stress had better not be laid on such communication. In his opinion, the metropolis was making every fair and practicable exertion in the general defence; and should the hour of trial ever come, it was his confident opinion, the City of London would not be found backward. He had to entreat their lordships' pardon for detaining them longer than he at first intended. As to the motion it should certainly have his decided negative.

The Earl of Suffolk spoke shortly in explanation, and repeated some of his observations in favour of the appointment of a military council, which he begged the noble Secretary to recollect was proposed by him, to have no control whatever over the commander in chief, who would be at liberty to follow its advice or not. The institution he proposed would be of essential service even in time of peace; then, on such an occasion as the present, how necessary must be its adoption.

The Earl of Bridgewater in a very low tone of voice made a few observations in support of what fell from the noble Secretary of State, particularly with respect to the advantages to be derived from, the communications of the different generals. He could not, he said, give a silent dissent from the motion. The question was then put, when the Earl of Suffolk's proposition was rejected without a division.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Wednesday, August 10.

[MINUTES.]-The Warehouse Bonding Bill, Scotch Consolidation Tax Bill, Vote of Credit Bill, Vellum and Parchment Duties Bill, Scotch Army of Reserve Amendment Bill, the Substitutes' Exemption Bill, the Alien Regulation Bill, the Canada Jurisdiction Bill, the Tortola Free Port Bill, the House of Orange Annuity Bill, the General Defence Amendment Bill, and the Assessed Taxes Consolidation Bill, were read a third time and passed.-The bill for better manning of the navy, went through a Committee, and was ordered to be reported.—The other bills on the table were forwarded in their respective stages.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Wednesday, August 10.

[MINUTES.]-The fifth report of the commissioners of naval inquiry was presented at the bar. Ordered to be printed for the use of the members.- A message from the Lords, stated their concurrence to the fol

lowing bills: The Prince of Orange's Annuity, the Vote of Credit, the General Defence Amendment, the Stamp Duty Consolidation, the Assessed Taxes Consolidation, the Army of Reserve Amendment, the Scots Army of Reserve, the Canada Courts, the American Treaty, the Warehousing and Bonding, the Tortola Free Port, the Foreign Note Forgery, the London Additional Force, the Scots Malt, the Alien, the Hackney Church, and two bills of a more private nature.-Captain Harvey presented a petition from several gallant commanders in the navy, praying the House to extend the powers of the commissioners of naval inquiry, so that they might examine into the nature of prize agency and the general conduct of prize causes. He meant, he said, to throw no imputation, nor was it the intention of any of the petitioners to cast any reflection on the conduct of any individual whatever that was in any manner connected with the management of such causes, but only to beseech the House that it would exert its authority, in order that some investigation might take place-Sir W. Scott after a few preparatory observations, read an extract of a letter from Admiral Colpoys, stating his wish that certain words in the petition should have been omitted. - The petition was then read and ordered to lie on the table.

[VOTE OF THANKS TO THE VOLUN TEERS.]-Mr. Sheridan rose to make his promised motion relative to the volunteers. He began by reminding the House, that, when he first gave notice of the motion, he had stated his conviction that it was of a nature which could give rise to no opposition. In now rising to bring it forward, he was not less sanguine that it would be unanimously adopted. It was of a nature which he flattered himself would meet the approbation of every man in the House, however different his opinions on general subjects of policy.-[At this time Mr. Windham and some of his friends entered the House.] The hon. member, alluded to the circumstance; and however difficult he thought the task, he was not without hope that even these hon. members would give their assent to the motion. He trusted that whatever zeal of opposition had been manifested on other occasions, there might, at least, be one cordial day before their separation-one day in which every consideration was lost sight of but devotion to the cause of our common country. It might perhaps be thought by some persons that the motion which he was now about to submit to the

House would havé come with more propriety

from one in an ostensible situation, from a member of his Majesty's executive government. In bringing forward the motion, he certainly had no wish to interfere with what more strictly was the duty of the servants of the crown; but he could not but think that a motion such as he had to propose was one which came with peculiar propriety from an` individual who appeared in that House as a volunteer in the cause of this country. It might not possess equal authority, but he was sure it would not be inferior in honesty and sincerity. In a few words which he had to offer before he submitted the motion to the consideration of the House, he should carefully abstain from every topic on which a diversity of opinion might arise, conscious as he was that some gentlemen (looking to the bench on which Mr. Windham and his friends were seated) were never backward in availing themselves of opportunities for starting grounds of opposition. Before he proceeded further, he wished it to be distinctly understood that his motion was intended to include every description of individuals whose services were voluntarily offered at this difficult and trying crisis. It would include volunteer corps, corps of yeomanry, and corps which were raised by patriotic gentlemen and accepted by government. He thought it necessary thus broadly to explain the object. of his motion, to prevent any misconstruction or misapprehension from whatever quarter it might proceed. There were one or two points on which, before he handed the motion to the chair, he wished to say a very few words. At present there existed some degree of doubt, respecting the proper construction of the clauses of the bill for the general defence of the country; and also of the bill, by which some ambiguities were meant to be removed. It was not sufficiently understood how far a voluntary offer to enter into a corps, previously accepted by his Majesty, would exempt the individuals making this offer, from the compulsory operation of the bills to which he had just now referred. He thought it the more necessary to call the attention of the House to this subject, in consequence of a circular letter from a noble Secretary of State (Lord Hobart) in which it appeared to him that the noble lord had, to a certain degree, put a false construction on the act. After such an authority as this had been published, it was essential that the public at large should have a thorough conception of the true meaning of the legislature. He stated, from communications on which he could place the greatest reliance, that in Hamp

ment prevailed. If the interpretation of the noble lord was to be considered as decisive, then a power would be left to the constables of the different districts, to call on individuals to comply with the compulsory clause of the act, after they had entered into a volunteer corps, whose services had been regularly accepted by his Majesty's ministers. Nothing, however, could be more clear than this, that such was not the view of the legislature. It was the clear spirit of the act, and he was anxious that it should be unequivocally understood, that when any individual entered into a corps of the nature of which he had described, he was henceforth freed from the operation of all the compulsory clauses of the act. The next point on which he wished to make a few observations, was the mode in which many volunteer associations conducted their clothing. He was well aware, and it could not have escaped the notice of many other gentlemen, that many thousand individuals whose loyalty was undoubted, whose ardour to come forward in the sacred cause in which we are now engaged is indisputable, were prevented from entering into volunteer associations, from the heavy expense to which a gaudy fashionable dress, calculated merely to gratify the silly vanity of some persons who were too opulent to feel the pressure, would expose them. They had every wish to appear in the ranks of their fellow countrymen, in defence of their Sovereign and their country, but they could not, without the greatest inconvenience to their families, incur the expense which such dresses necessarily incurred. If the clothing were more cheap, he was sure that thousands, who no consideration but that which he had mentioned now deterred, would flock to the standard of loyalty. He could not but think that gentlemen in affluent circumstances, and who had no reason to think of the expense in the choice of a dress, would do themselves infinite honour by appearing in the plainest dress possible. No man was surely, at a period like this, when the greatest virtues were called forth, to pride himself in the ranks of a volunteer association on the richness and the costliness of his dress. We were not to turn our attention to external decorations, but to place our confidence in the heart which they covered. It was not idie pomp or tawdry magnificence which was to entitle members of a volunteer association to the confidence of their country. In this great and trying crisis we were to look for salvation to fortitude, to heroism, to contempt of death. Passing from this point, the hon. gent. next adverted to another sub

of energy. He was glad to see that the spirit of the country was now roused, but he wished that this spirit should manifest itself by unequivocal signs. He rejoiced to find that a military disposition pervaded the land, and he wished that the effect of this military disposition might be visible in a general military appearance in the country. In Ireland, when the system of volunteers, carried to an extraordinary pitch, left a greater proportion of the regular troops,disposable for foreign service, every man in every part of the country was to be seen in his uniform. When he said this, he believed he spoke in the hearing of some gentlemen who had witnessed the scene, and the impression which it produced. At that period, every man in the Irish House of Commons appeared in the dress of his appropriate association. It might not, perhaps, be regular in him to allude to the gallery of that House; but he might just say, that the gallery exhibited an equal military appearance. The public officers of state imitated the example, and even the grave judges on the bench were unwilling to call a counsel, unless under his professional gown he exhibited a uniform. He could not but think that the adoption of a similar practice now would be productive of the most beneficial effects, in keeping alive that ardour, which, fortunately for the country, had now began to kindle in every loyal heart. Even if it had no other effect, but to point out those who were lukewarm and disaffected at this moment, when the loyalty of all was put to the test, he thought that it might be productive of infinite advantage. As to the space where volunteer associations were to be trained, he begged leave to offer a very few words. It was his opinion, that the places allotted for this purpose should, in the first instance, be as secluded as possible. Till a certain degree of progress was made in discipline, it was in every point of view desirable to be separated from the observation of a promiscuous multitude. He needed not to remind the House, that there were many individuals to whom, under such circumstances, the stare of a vulgar multitude would produce the most unpleasant sensations. There were men who would much more cheerfully expose themselves to the shot of the enemy than encoun ter the derision of motley spectators. He was at all times happy to hear of any facilities being given for this separate exercise. He mentioned, to the honour of the Duke of Portland, that he had given up th· space before his house for the use of a volunteer association. There was another place, called,