have been done; they should not have been like the Lord Lieut., fearful of giving alarm; but, inquiring into the cause of the coolness, they should, if they found his lordship's insinuation groundless, have given him a reprimand.

Admiral Berkeley. I am sure the right hon. gent. (Mr. Yorke) is above all wish of being misunderstood. Does he mean to say, that the commander in chief of Ireland knew and was apprised of the intended rising on the 23d of July.

Mr. Secretary Yorke.-I meant to say, that the commander in chief had every opportunity of knowing the information disclosed at the Castle, on the morning of the 23d, that the Lord Lieutenant bad.

Mr. Corry. As I have been in Dublin since the unfortunate events of the 23d of July, it may be expected I should say something on this subject, upon which I made it my business when there to make a minute inquiry. The civil government were apprised of an intended rising on the 23d of July. This clearly appears. In consequence they warned the civil magistrates, at the head of which was the superintendant of Dublin. The mistake is, that officer is unknown here. The lord mayor of Dublin is not like the lord mayor of London. It is not he, but the superintendent who has the charge of the peace. He was informed of the rising, and actually armed, and called out an additional number of peace officers; from this, it is clear, the government of Ireland were not surprizeń, and that they took every step which would be thought essential. The interview at the castle, between the commander in chief and the Lord Lieutenant could be proved. The details of the intelligence were then laid before them, and the civil government had certainly a right to conclude, that the commander in chief had taken every military precaution which the circumstances would warrant. Whether he did or not, or what those precautions might be, I am not prepared to say, as, in fact, I made no inquiry on those subjects. That the conspiracy existed, and that to a dangerous degree, I conceive to be the foundation of the late bills, for continuing martial law and suspending the operation of the Habeas Corpus Act. With this object, the late insurrection is unconnected. That was, in truth, contemptible. On the coniusion of these two circumstances, the former insurrection and present conspiracy, depends all the difference of opinion now and lately expressed; whereas, in fact, there is no inconsistency, no contradiction. The insurrection was contemptible; the conspi

racy is dangerous. Nothing in what I have here said, I trust, will be construed to the disadvantage of the commander in chief, relative to whose conduct I had no means of inquiry, and never have formed any opinion concerning it.

Lord de Blaquiere.-I cannot admit, Sir, that the insurrection on the 23d of July was a matter to be lig atty treated. It was, in my opinion, a rank and dangerous rebellion. The castle of Dublin was certainly surprised. A plan was on foot to stop the mail coaches, and if that had taken place, the whole country would have risen. Under these circumstances, I think inquiry should be instituted, for heavy blame must attach somewhere.

The Hon. C. Hely Hutchinson.-Sir; upon a question of national defence, and at a moment critical as the present, I feel it to be my duty, notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, to trouble you with a very few observations. I give ministers fall credit for the exertions they have made in calling forth the strength of the country by the volunteer 2ssociations, undoubtedly a force highly constitutional, and although not new in theory, has now, for the first time, been thus extensively adopted. Notwithstanding the firm reliance I place on the zeal and loyalty of the volunteer force, which I doubt not, will in the hour of attack be found highly serviceable and solicitous to encounter every danger, I cannot at the same time but lament, that ministers have not deemed it advisable to decrease that species of force, and in a very considerable degree to augment the troops of the line; but, upon this topic, I purposely refrain at this late hour from enJarging, particularly as it has been already so ably and fully discussed. My principal, indeed sole object for troubling you at this moment, is in consequence of a subject which has been introduced by an hon. member (Mr. Fox) who has lately spoken. Upon it I have long had a decided opinion. I consider it a subject of great public moment, and I feel that in times like the present, to hesitate to deliver such an opinion, would be to shrink from the discharge of my public duty. Such is the nature of the contest in which we are involved, so awfully critical the present state of things, so inveterate our foe, so various and formidable his resources, and so unceasing his machinations to destroy us, that it has been found necessary that his Majesty should avail himself of the appearance in arms of almost every description of his subjects; and so serious does his Majesty deem the meditated attack, that he has been graciously pleased to gratify and animate his faithful subjects, by declaring his royal

intention, in the event of invasion, of putting himself at the head of his troops, determined in person to defend the constitution, the Jaws, the religion, and the liberties of his united empire. At such a crisis, the Prince of Wales, the heir apparent to the crown, the person most interested in the event of this struggle, naturally anxious to share in the danger and the glory of the day, solicits to be placed in a situation, where, by his presence, he may contribute to collect thousands round the royal standard; and evince, by his firmness and zeal, the ardour with which he would support the throne of his Sovereign and Father; but in this his ardent hope, and first expectation, he finds himself disappointed! And yet, Sir, we have been but this moment informed by a right hon. gent. (Mr. Pitt), that we must not suffer ourselves to be lulled into a state of security, or to consider this any other than a contest likely to be most durable; and he has even gone so far as to suggest the propriety of our resolving to fashion ourselves into a military nation. With the din of war constantly assailing the ear, and the cry of universal armament being incessant, that the Illustrious Personage alluded to, the most interested, should be the only one prevented from occupying his proper station, appals one with astonishment!!!-Sir; I have ever admired, as the surest foundation of the liberties of these countries, as the most valued right of the subject, and as the most glorious characteristic of the monarchy, that maxim of our constitution, which asserts that the King can do no wrong; the prerogative of the crown, (for the wisest purposes) most extensive, seems only to be limited, where it is possible that in its operation it can affect the welfare of the community; the King, as sole executive, and only fountain of honour and of mercy, beholds these his prerogatives upholden by the unqualified approbation of his people. But, Sir, the same spirit of legislation which declared that the prerogative of the crown could not operate to the injury of the subject, has also wise'y attached an awful responsibility upon ministers for the fit execution of that prerogative; and, among the various duties incumbent on the members of this House, that of not suffering this responsibility to be evaded, imperiously demands their most watchful attention. I am decidedly of opinion, that the illustrious personage in question, being at this moment appointed to an ostensible command, would bring great additional strength to the public cause, and that ministers in neglecting to advise his Majesty to this moasure, are highly censurable.-I cannot conclude without de

claring, that I give my most unqualified support to the vote now proposed, as I have done to every measure deemed necessary to strengthen and support his Majesty in the present arduous and necessary contest in which he is engaged, and in which I rejoice to perceive he has already received the cordial co-operation of every description of his subjects.

Mr. Pitt and the Chancellor of the Exchequer respectively spoke in explanation, relative to some points which had been discussed in an early part of the debate.-Mr. Windham and the Chancellor of the Exchequer also spoke, severally in explanation.Mr. Pitt, in further explanation observed, that a sufficient number of field officers for the purposes he had mentioned with respect to volunteer corps could without difficulty be obtained. He did not mean persons who should hold that rank at the time of their coming to those corps; there were a number of persons of the rank of captains, of a certain number of years standing, who would be fully competent to the purpose, and would make very respectable field officers.-The questions were then put, on the different resolutions moved by the Sec. at War, as well as those moved by the Sec. of the Ordnance Department, all of which were severally agreed to by the Committee. The House then resumed, and the report was ordered to be received on Monday.-The Committee of Ways and Means, and the other orders of the day were then deferred till Monday, and at 3 o'clock the House adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Saturday, December 10.

The bills on the table were forwarded one stage; and the Curate's relief bill, sugar duty drawback bill, Irish distillery bill, and Irish provision bill, were brought up from the Commons.-Adjourned to Monday.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Saturday, Dec. 10.

[MINUTES] Mr. Hobhouse brought up the report of the commitee of supply. The resolutions were agreed to nem. con-Mr. Secretary Yorke presented an abstract of the volunteer corps accepted by his Majesty subsequent to the 10th of August last. Ordered to lie on the table.-Mr. Corry presented the annual petitions and estimates from the Irish charitable institutions. Ordered to lie on the table.-Mr. Corry wished to give notice, that on Monday he would move the

usual grants for those institutions, pursuant to al grants for those some remarks

from the Speaker on the shortness of the notice, it was stated by Mr. Corry, that there was the same interval between the notice and the motion as last year; and by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the sums and services were the same as last year, and every year, as provided for by the articles of union; and, therefore, that the House was already in possession of the subject. On these grounds the notice was allowed to stand.

[VOLUNTEER EXEMPTION BILL ] Mr. Secretary Yorke in pursuance of the notice he had given yesterday, rose to move for leave to bring in a bill to explain and amend the acts of 42 and 43 GEO. III. so far as they related to the exemptions to be enjoyed by voJunteers. From what he had heard in the House yesterday, and what he had learned from other sources, he knew that much difficulty existed in the interpretation of these acts. It was indeed hardly to be expected that every person should have read them over, so as to know precisely their provisions in the manner the law required. He therefore thought it right to prefer this bill for the purpose of explaining those acts in that part where explanation was most immediately necessary. The bill which he meant to prefer would go only to regulate the exemptions. There were other points also, he was aware, which required explanation, and it might perhaps be necessary to go into an entire review of the volunteer system, in ordre to correct and strengthen it; but as this should be done not hastily, but with mature consideration, he thought it better to defer it till after the recess. The object of the bill he meant to propose would be, first to enable such commanders of corps as had not given in their returns to give them in now, and to provide that the certificate of such commander should be effectual to secure the benefit of the exemption to the individual. This exemption extended equally to the militia and the army of reserve. The return should specify, whether the men attended with arms and otherwise accoutred, so as to be considered as effective; if he attended without arms, there was to be a special return, stating the reason why, and this special return, and the certificates founded upon it, should also give a title to the exemptions. It was extremely advisable, while the exemptions were cured to every person who was entitled to them, to do every thing that could be done to prevent abuses arising from too much relaxation he thought it necessary to provide that from the 1st of May next, 24 days regular attendance in training and exercise

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should be required, to give a title to the exemptions. The former ve the acto the ec

the bill would go to explain and amend, being passed in time of peace, required only five days. It would be obvious to the House, that a longer attendance would be necessary in time of war, and particularly in such a war as the present, than in time of peace. He proposed therefore, that 24 days attendance should be required of the infantry, and 12 of the cavalry. The returns would be made three times a year, and therefore 8 days in every four months would be required of the infantry, and four days of the cavalry. He concluded with moving for time to bring in a bill to explain and amend the said acts.

Mr. Curwen was sorry the right hon. gent. was not prepared at present with any measures to enforce the continuance of the service of the volunteers. The danger was, that many of them as soon as the present ballot was over, would attend no longer, and thus being lost to the militia and the army of reserve, would be lost also to the volunteer corps. He wished therefore, that the present measure were coupled with some general regelations for the corps. He thought it wise in ministers to be as saving of the public money as was consistent with the public interests, and the public safety, but at the same time he thought it would be wise to enter on some general plan for the improvement of the volunteer corps. He did not think that the plan proposed last night (by Mr. Pitt) would go down. The volunteer officers were pledged to their corps to accompany them whereever they should be ordered, and of course they would not like that a field officer should be put over their heads, neither would the appointment of such an officer be agreeable to the volunteers who composed the corps. He thought it would be much better to give serjeani-majors and adjutants in greater numbers, to give a se cond serjeant, and a corporal, with perma nent pay. It was well known that the discipline of the men depended on their having good non-commissioned officers. He was sure too much could not be said of the honourable principles and feelings of the volunteers in general. But though an ignominious discharge from the ranks would have the fullest effect in many instances, it would not in all. He thought it better that intoxication, disorderly and unsoldier-like conduct should be punished by a small fine, peremptorily and immediately enforced. He was sure that the effect of this, and some similar regulations, would produce a degree of good conduct and emulation, which would

extend with the most beneficial effect to the army and militia, as well as volunteers Looking to the military face which the country wore at present, every thing should be done to realize the appearance, and if ministers deferred for a time bringing forward such regulations as were necessary to this effect, he hoped it was only to bring them forward in a more systematic and digested form, at no distant period. He wished the House also to bear in mind, that in the country, where several corps were called together from their home, and from their daily labour, by which most of them subsisted, obliged to give up their usual emoluments, and to live at public houses at an unusual expense, it would be impossible to find men, and unreasonable to expect 'hem without allowing them pay. The additional expense would not be more than ten shillings a man in the year, perhaps not more than five. The general oflicer of the district in his attendance at the reviews, and the inspecting field officer on Sundays could guard against any abuses. He considered, that with some advantages of this kind the voiunteers would soon be as good a force as any we possessed for defence; that we trust to them with security, and spare our regular forces for foreign expeditions. The spirit of the volunteers was a proof that this reliance could be placed on them, and they were animated with this spirit, because they felt that the contest in which we were engaged was unavoidable.

Mr. Hiley Addington was pleased with the bill that was proposed, but at the same time he concurred in the propriety of what had been said by the hon. gent. who had just sat down. He was sure that the plan proposed last night would not do; if it would be compulsory, it would excite discontent; and if it were to be optional, it would be nugatory, as very few would be inclined to avail themselves of it. He believed at present there were only four or five corps in the kingdom that had field officers of such a description. He was sure an adjutant would be a more effective person; and it should be recollected that five years service in the army was necessary to qualify those adjutants. But whether those adjutants could be expected to attend drills S4 days without a larger allowance? It was impossible for day labourers, of which description of men the greater number of country corps consisted; that which he had the honour to command consisted of them exclusively, to attend without pay. He had taken upon himself the risk of having his corps imperfect from the want of an officer of that description recommended by the hon. gent, Ser

jeant-majors, who, he thought with the hon. gent. were absolutely necessary, were never aliowed only to corps 1000 strong. He asked whether it was possible for an adjutint, who had only six shillings a day, and no horse allowed him, to attend a number of separate parishes, as he was now obliged to do, in the parts of the country which were thinly inhabited. The right hon. secretary, from being long a colonel of militia, must know that the description of officers recommended by the hon. gent. were most essential. But as the volunteer laws now stood, few could avail themselves of this benefit. For himself, he knew the want and the benefit of them by experience.

Others, he was sure, were in the same predicament. Mr. Secretary Yorke said, there was this general regulation at present to render the volunteer corps complete and effective; that the corps would be disbanded, and the compulsory clauses resorted to, if they were not filled to the amount required by his Majesty's government. This was the standard which it was thought fit to adopt at present. Several other regulations may be useful, but he thought better not to press them now. He did not think his Majesty's ministers would be justified in entering at once into the expense which would be required for the measure recommended by the hon gent. It was the best way to commence with an expense as low as possible, which could be increased if that was found necessary, whereas, if we commenced with a high expenditure, which we afterwards found we could not reduce, the improvement could not be made without the evidence of our actual loss. He begged also to impress the point urged by a noble lord (Castlereagh) last night, that it would be impossible to furnish such a number of officers from any armay so much drawn upon already. There were 1500 corps, and if an adjutant were to be allowed to each at 1001. a year, the expence of this alone would be 150,0001. Permanent pay should not be given unless permanent duty was performed, and in the country these things were not always performed in the strictest manner. He hoped every measure would be taken which would tend to render the volunteer army effective, but he hoped that gent. would not press the introduction of any thing into this bill but the single principle on which it was founded.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer concurred in what had fallen from his hon. friend, and in a great measure with what had fallen from the hon. gent. over the way (Mr. Curwen). He concurred in the principle of what had been proposed last night, as far as it was consistent with other principles, and parti

cularly that of carrying with us the feelings. of the volunteer officers, and the volunteer corps. The suggestion of the propriety of brigading the corps had his concurrence; but he doubted whether the introduction of field-officers, whatever advantage it may give in respect of discipline, could be reduced to practice. He feared it would hurt the feelings of the commanders of corps, that it would tend to diminish their respectability in their own opinion, and to impair the respect and influence which, on very just grounds, they at present have with their corps. He agreed that every facility should be given to the introduction of adjutants and serjeant majors; at the same time, as the whole of this subject required consideration, he wished that these points should not be pressed now, and that the present bill should not be incumbered with any thing extraneous. Every one concurred in the propriety of every thing that could improve the discipline of the volunteers, without violating their feelings.--The question being put, Jeave was given to bring in the bill, which was read a first time. On the question for the second reading, in answer to a question from Sir W. Milner, who said that doubts existed on this point, the Attorney General stated from the acts, that of last session being to be understood with reference to the act of the session before, that all corps whose services were accepted by his Majesty, were entitled to the exemption.-The bill was ordered to be read a second time on Monday.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Monday, December 12.

[MINUTES.]-The Marquis of Stafford was sworn, and took his seat, on his accession to that peerage; as was also the Earl of Bristol, on a similar occasion.-The Lord Chancellor presented a petition from Allen M'Leod, who had been sentenced to be fined and imprisoned, stating his inability to pay the fine inflicted, and praying that their Lordships would be pleased, in consideration of his long confinement, to grant hin remission of the fine. The petit-on was ordered to lie on the table.-Lord King moved, that the proper officer be desired to lay before the House an account of the Bank of England Notes in circulation on the 25th of each month, from Feb. to Nov last, distinguishing those under £5. Ordered.-On his Lordship's motion, a similar order was made relative to Notes of the Bank of Ireland.The Bills on the table were forwarded in their respective stages.

[EXPIRING LAWS BILL.]-The Expiring Laws Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow.

Lord Suffolk requested the House to take notice that certain annuities granted in the time of Queen Anne, for carrying on the war, expired in 1804. He wished to know from a noble Sec. of State (Lord Hawkesbury) what was the amount of this sum, what was its intended application, and whether it was destined to go to the consolidated fund?

Lord Hawkesbury replied, that he was not then prepared to state the amount nor the application. But this could, however, be no obstacle in the way of the bill, as Parliament would still have the power of dispos ing of this money in any manner that might be thought exepedient.

[CURATES'S RELIEF BILL.]-On the mo tion for the second reading of the bill for granting a sum of 80001. towards the relief of curates,

The Earl of Suffolk observed, that although he entirely approved of the principle of the bill, which he considered as calculated to ameliorate the situation of interior clergymen, he could not think it went far enough. The sum which it provided towar is their relief was not sufficient. Indeed, so very hard was the condition of them, that he had received several letters stating, that the salaries which they enjoyed had not in many instances been paid to the full extent provided by the legislature. The noble lord suggested the propriety, in order to obviate these difficulties, that the money should be paid into the bands of some banker in the neighbourhood of the place where the party resides. The bill was read a second time and committed for to-morrow.

[IRISH HABEAS CORPUS AND MARTIAL LAW BILL] Lord Hawkesbury rose to move the second reading of the Irish Habeas Corpus Suspension Bill.-His lordship began his speech by stating to the House, that though it might not be exactly in order, he should, with the view of fascilitating any discussion which might take place, introduce any observations which occurred to him to be necessary to justify the motion for the second reading of the Irish Martial Law Bill, which would follow the motion for the second reading of the bill now before the House. He felt himself authorized in pursuing this course, more particularly when he considered, that the same arguments which would convince their lordships of the necessity and expediency of the one bill, would be equally applicable to the re-enactment of