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veniebant Oratores novi, Stulti, Adolescentuli, Causidici. If Lord Kenyon had extended his reading to modern classics he would have found in his own language, and of his own time, the opinion with respect to lawyers, of a man whose theorems of political science time is, every day, demonstrating by the awful diagram of events. Of the lawyers, Mr. Burke says, "It cannot have "escaped observation, that when men are "too much confined to professional and "faculty habits, and, as it were, inveterate "in the recurrent employment of that nar"row circle, they are rather disabled than "qualified for whatever depends on the "knowledge of mankind, ou experience "in mixed affairs, on a comprehensive con"nected view of the various complicated "and external interests which go to the "formation of that multifarious thing called "a state." If therefore, Lord Kenyon's consciousness had not checked him in his political undertakings, his favourite author ities (a string of authorities his friend Serjeant Hill would have called them, reaching from the first punic war to the first regicide war) would have stopped his career. But, if Lord Kenyon could not have been stopped from intermeddling in political affairs, either by the check of internal consciousness, or by the weight of external autho rity, still however, although he might not have been indued with that sagacity, which would have impowered him previously, and at a distance, to see what was right, yet he possessed that native honesty which would have enabled him, near at hand, to feel what was wrong.Lord Kenyon, therefore, never would have submitted to make part of a government where, while the Prince of his beloved Wales, considering the pressure of the times, generously withdrew his just demands on the public purse, and retired from the rightful dignity of his state to the shade of private life, the revenues of a kingdom of his father were wasted in puerile amusements to gratify the inane mind of a subject, whose vacancies of contemplation must be filled, sometimes by a new house and sometimes by a new garter. Lord Kenyon, though not a soldier, had common sense enough to perceive that there must be either folly or falsehood, or both, in calling out, in aid of a regular army, a body of yeomanry at the expense of one hundred and sixty thousand pounds per month, for the purpose of putting down a dispute in Thomas-street. Lord Kenyon never would have submitted to have been responsible as a cabinet minister, for a measure either of fraud or of absurdity. The professional

pride and the inborn honour of Lord Kenyon, would never have suffered him to enter into a combination to sap, by underhand means, the independence of his brethren the judges. He never would have suffered the great seal in his hands to be used for the purpose of garbling the bench, in order to gratify those who might be contented publicly to eulogize that government, which privately they must have despised. Nor would he have employed any of his leisure in searching into offices for practices, by which he might harass the domestic arrangements of others, whose pride and whose integrity would not bend to his views; and thus double the vigour of his attack by practising on the hopes of some, and endeavouring to work upon the fears of others. I fear, Sir, I must have trespassed on your patience in endeavouring to atone for my fault, and to pacify the just resentment of Cambricus, by stating what conduct my Lord Kenyon, upon a fair computa tion of his character, would have pursued, and what conduct he would have avoided: If the anger of Cambricus should not yet be appeased, I beg, Sir, you will assure him of my readiness still to go on, and to gratify im to the utmost extent of his desires.I am, Sir, yours, JUVERNA.

LETTER III.

FROM A CONTINENTAL OBSERVER.

Hamburgh, Nov. 4, 1803. SIR,In my former letters, I examined the two first questions which I had propos ed; and concluded by deciding both in the affirmative. I unfolded to you, generally, the reasons which induced me to think: 1st, that if the proposition of your corres pondent, Inquisitor, for re-establishing the French monarchy in the person of Louis XVIII. were successful, it would be essen tially advantageous to Great Britain: (1 thing, indeed, which appears so certain that I am almost ashamed of having doubted it) and 2dly, that such a measure is feasible; not that it is infallible, and still less that it is hazardous, but that if it be well conducted, it must be successful. I will now pro ceed to inquire, whether, if it be both de sirable and practicable, there is any reason to suppose that Great Britain will attempt

it?In the first place, has England a right to interfere, with this view, in the internal affairs of France? Before the peace of Amiens, she most undoubtedly bad, al though she had never directly exercised it. sanction to the new consular authority, she, But at that peace, by giving her formal formally, gave up all right of opposing it.

The nature of the present war, however, and the nature of the hostilities with which, both the government and the people of Great Britain are threatened, have, unques tionably, restored every tittle of the right which she surrendered at the peace of Amiens. Besides, it is universally acknowledged, that the right which one nation has of interfering in the internal affairs of another, though generally contrary to reason and equity, is perfectly justifiable, when founded on the sacred duty of self-preser vation. The general character of the English appears to me to be diametrically opposite to the versatility of the French. Equally attached to their prejudices and their manners, the English are, taking every thing into consideration, less altered than any other people in Europe. They travel more than all others; and yet they return to settle themselves down again in their island, and are, at the day of their death, as completely English, as when they left the university. One of the characteristic traits of their mode of thinking, is, that France is at all times, and in every respect, the opposite scale of the balance. An Englishman An Englishman carries his rivalry in his blood, while a Frenchman only feels it on temporary occasions, and in casual fits. To reconcile Englishmen to the design of promoting the welfare of Frauce, it will, therefore, be necessary to change the natural and long established notions of the majority of the peo ple; a task, which I confess, appears, at first, to be almost hopeless. Let me not be supposed, however, to regard Englishmen as a race of intractable beings. The excess of that natural rivalry which must exist be tween two opposite powers, is more moderate, in proportion as they are equally powerful. The English are, perhaps, better acquainted with their own interest than any other people, but they are also more reasonable and more just; and, generally, are not insensible to sentiments of generosity and humanity.If this be the case, why should not a true Englishman, who is made up of patriotism, at once, lay acide all his haughty jealousy and adopt the most certain, the most expeditious, and the most honourable means of saving his country. I repeat it, of saving his country; for while France is subject to any revolutionary system whatever, she will be the source of constant disturbance, and even of constant terror to all the rest of Europe; and the dangers which now threaten that quarter of the world, will be followed by a never-ending train of others more terrible. England is connected with the Continent

by ties so essential, so numerous, and so various, that she may always be annoyed by it, without any direct attack. Her power or her commerce is constantly af fected by the propitious or adverse events, which are perpetually and rapidly occurring there; and this political sensibility autho rises the pretensions which she naturally makes to influence the affairs of the Conti nent, and the discontent which she feels when any attempt is made to exclude her. If we investigate the subject closely, we shall perceive that it is not France which England is called upon to defend. It is the revolution which is to be dreaded; and France is its potent instrument, an instrument which we cannot break, but which we may tear from the malignant hand that wields it. In his fourth letter, your correspondent has very justly defined the distinction which exists between the former rivalry, and the present animosity of the two countries. But if the revolution be once deprived of the support of France, its power will begin to decay; other nations that wish to escape its influence will unite against it, and England will not be the only power to rejoice in its defeat.The first object in the eyes of all Englishmen is undoubtedly, and indeed very justly, the welfare of his country. In this case the welfare of his country is inseparable from the maintenance of Christianity, and the happiness of society, not only in England, but in every other part of the civilized world. What noble motives for men of honourable souls; and what a splendid object for a nation emulous of true glory! Ac the very moment when France is leaguing the whole Continent against England; when she has shut her out from the commerce of Europe, and has threatened to carry fire and sword into the very heart of her territories; England, rising superior to her menaces, undertakes to reanimate and encourage terrified and degraded Europe; and, having delivered her rival from chains, compels herto become her friend! Such vengeance would be, at once, the wisest policy and the greatest benefit. The maritime and commercial part of Europe is compelled to submit to, and to bless the sway which England exercises over the seas. Such are the consequences of a plan which every thing calls for, and which nothing can compensate. Let not Inquisitor call it his plan. It was dictated by the genius of England; it belongs to every enlightened, sensible, and generous Englishman; to the ministry as well as to the opposition; to the city as well as to the country; and to the

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merchants as well as to the army and the fleet. If I were an Englishman I would avow and pursue it; and if I were Frenchman, I would, for the rest of my life, be the friend of England, whom I ever regard as my benefactress and my deliverer. These being my sentiments and my feelings, I do not hesitate to avow, that there is every probability that England will adopt a measure, in which success is so certain, and advantage so apparent. Let us now proceed to the fourth subject of inquiry, which is: whether there is any appearance that the powers of the Continent will aid or oppose such a plan?If the French monarchy is to be restored, it is not by the powers of the Continent that the restora tion will be effected. I do not mean to speak bere of their intentions; but I do not scruple to say, that, in that respect, they are not what they ought to be. Such is my opinion; but the facts and the reasonings upon which that opinion is founded, I hope you will excuse me for not detailing. France will always, and in every case, suspect the honourableness of their views, and the sincerity of their co-operation. As GreatBritain offers no other real source of jealousy for France, than her naval superiority, she would, I think, if she were to propose a plan, inspire both France and the powers of the Continent, with more confidence: but, what would contribute more especially to that confidence, would be, the publicity of her discussions and resolutions; which would effectually remove all doubt and distrust relative to the reality and honesty of her design, as well as of the engagements she would make in the face of Europe. Her situation, the nature of her power, the nature of her government, her wealth, her credit, and the extent of her connexions qualify her, better than any other power, for becoming the grand mover and director, at a crisis so important. On the Continent, however, she possesses only an indirect influence; and, therefore, France will, as I before hinted, be the only direct instrument in effecting her own deliverance. In my opinion, when the attempt is to be made, the force of events will render it necessary that it should be so. But if it were possible that the restoration should be completed without the interference of any foreign soldier, on the territories of France, it would, most assuredly be better; and, in that case, the war between France and England would vanish into air. But although an active and armed coalition of the powers of the Continent be not thought desirable; although that complicated and unwieldy ma

chine, whose perpetual jarrings: always thwart its object, be not deemed necessary; it does not follow that the acquiescence, the countenance, the favour, the support, and even the aid of those powers, are not objects of the greatest importance. If they should oppose it, either openly or secretly, they will increase the obstacles to its execution, and, perhaps, prevent its accomplishment; but if, on the contrary, they should be favourable, how numerous and how great will be the means which every one of them can bring to its support! England will, then, have to combine these various means, and to direct the operation of the whole a plan of proceeding, more troublesome, perhaps, but, certainly, infinitely more effectual, than the jarring and incongruous efforts of an unwieldy coalition. And if, under such circumstances, any one of those powers should happen to abandon her, her plan need not be interrupted; for the aid which she receives from the others will not be at all lessened. Things which it is the business of every one to do, are generally neglected; but if done at all, are always ill done. If they require any trouble or any difficulty, each leaves them for another, and if there be any errors, each blames his neighbour. There is neither unity of design, nor co-operation of measures; but each pursues his own course to accomplish his own object.Let us now endeavour to discover what part it is likely that the powers of the Continent will adopt relative to this grand measure. There are three courses for them to take to remain neuter; to declare in favour of England; and, to declare against her. As for their neutrality, which is so generally delusive, and, indeed, so frequently hostile, it would, in this case, be less to be relied upon than ever. In fact, it is im possible to suppose it could exist for any length of time. They would all have so deep an interest in an affair of such great moment, that they could not remain inac tive spectators of the scene. Each would, perhaps, endeavour, at first, to assume the mask of neutrality, but necessity would soon compel her to lay it aside.What would, then, be the consequences; and what would be the part which they would take? Is there a single person in England, or, indeed, any where else, who supposes that any government in Europe, either great or small, is really attached to the present go vernment of France? Most assuredly there is not one. Although it is universally feared and universally flattered, it is not less universally hated, States in alliance with her,

states at peace with her, neutral states, dependent states, affiliated states, conquered states, and indemnified and indemnifying states, all, all entertain but one opinion and but one feeling concerning republican France; and what that opinion and that feeling are, no person need to be told. The jealousy which existed towards ancient France terminated with the monarchy, and even the remembrance of it has been obliterated by the more powerful sentiments which the conduct of modern France has produced. The secret wishes of the cabinets and of the hearts of every king on the Continent will, therefore, be for the restoration of the monarchy: but I fear that the mean and sneaking policy of the age will not be much disposed, openly and frankly, to aid it. Every step, however, which it takes in its career, will increase its vigour; and the strongest power will, naturally, be the first to decide on the conduct which it may be necessary for her to pursue. All will be interested in its success; and those whom particular circumstances may have determined to remain neutral, and even those who may be compelled to espouse the cause of the French government, will be constantly hoping for the time when they may become the declared friends of the monarchy. But the moment that Europe sees the least prospect of the success of the enterprize, the universal wish will be in its favour; and it will then be ambition of all to contribute zealously and effectually to its promotion. There is, however, one difficulty which, in my opinion, will not be very easily removed; and which, in the cabinets of some of those powers, will be a great obstacle in the way of their good wishes. If the congress, proposed by your correspondent, should be formed, it ought to adjust, not only the affairs of France, but those of Europe. Its great object will be to restore order, to re-establish the balance of power, and to secure the rights of each state. It will, undoubtedly, be difficult to fix the standard by which France is to indemnify the various states which she has jnjured, and to restore to each an equivalent for the losses which it may have sustained. This is the only consideration which makes me hesitate in the opinion, which I should otherwise have formed, of the favourable disposition of the powers of the Continent: and this it is which makes me dubious of the answer which should be given to the fourth question.I have now gone through the subjects which I proposed to investigate; and the result is, in answer to the first question, that it is un

deniable; to the second, that it is apparent; to the third, that it is probable; and to the fourth, that it is doubtful.—I am, &c. &c. &c.

ON THE CAVALRY.

SIR, Amidst the farcical exhibitions of military pantomime, which the corps of volunteers are now performing before the public, under the management of his Majesty's servants, has it ever been considered to what lengths of dangerous absurdity this ludicrous mania may carry the nation; to what desperate extremes this frenetic infatuation may lead the country?--Yet every hireling and unprincipled newspaper daily teems with the most fulsome and disgusting panegyric on the appearance, discipline, and martial ardour which pervades these heroic defenders of the country.Every day we are amused with elaborate narrations of brilliant operations performed by one or other of these distinguished corps, which, dividing themselves, or opposed to some others of equal celebrity, representing an invading foe, enter upon the execution of all the various movements and desultory finesse, which advancing and retreating bodies completely versant and experienced in the difficult and enterprising spirit of petite guerre, may be supposed to practise.With what flaming enthusiasm may we not read of innumerable feats of gallantry achieved in these daring rencounters, which would have graced the most gasconading period of republican chivalry.Here a desperate line of protended pikes or bristling bayonets intrepidly braved or forced; there a tremendous volley of blank cartridges given or received with the most cool and undaunted fortitude. On every side the admirable skill and magnanimity displayed by their respective commandants and leaders; the handsome and patriotic addresses of thanks from some noble and judicious spectator, expressive of the astonishment with which they have so proudly witnessed the almost incredible performance of these incomparable corps, flash upon our optics.We are next presented with some warm congratulation and complimentary eulogiums on government, for the paternal interest it has taken, both in the wise institution and admirable organization of this inimitable system of defence; the consecrated and immortal palladium of our laws, our liberty and constitution! The whole of this dramatic divertisement, in general, concluding with a sumptuous and constitutional dinner, attended with cor pious libations, in which we hear devoutly

pledged by these gallant warriors, in the warmth of their convivial zeal, immortal glory to Old England; whilst, at the same time, the impious Corsican and his invading myrmidons are solemnly devoted to destruction, should he profanely dare to tread the hallowed sod of hereditary freedom.———It is time, however, that this pageant mockery of playing at soldiers should cease solely to occupy men's minds: sufficient time has been given for the fascinations of novelty; and the regular army, which has lain so long in the back ground, should claim some attention from the public.--Those who are accustomed to read, in the fungous productions of the daily newspapers, these incessant repetitions of volunteer mummery, would almost be persuaded to believe, that the corps of volunteers constitute the only military defence in the kingdom, and that such a thing as the existence of a regular army in the country, was the mere fanciful and illusory vision of a waking dream. Let us then, for a moment, attempt to undeceive the public: the present conjuncture of affairs so critically and dangerously important every hour to the nation, imperiously calls its most serious attention to the actual condition of our regular forces, but more especially to that of the cavalry.The many distinguished and important services which the British cavalry have rendered to their country, both on our continental expeditions, and on every other occasion, should sufficiently have instructed us how to appreciate the value and inestimable advantages which our safety must essentially derive, at this moment, from having a numerous and well appointed body of them ready for immediate disposal.--Must not, then, the most superficial and uninformed observer, be justly struck with the utmost surprise and alarm, when he looks upon the present miserably reduced and defective scale of the war establishment of our cavalry forces?--And yet no country in Europe possesses more abundant and natural means for the raising and maintaining a numerous cavalry than the United Kingdom of the British Islands; whether we consider the national valour, the activity, constitutional vigour and intelligence of the men, the velocity, strength, figure and docility of the horses; and yet there is no country in the world which can appoint its cavalry in that superior excellence of style in which the British regiments might be, were the liberal allowances granted to the colonels of regiments for this purpose, justly appropriated, and adequately expended on that branch of service.

This however, shall merit a future investigation.The impolitic, nay, absurd

measure of reducing the cavalry on the late unfortunate suspension of hostilities, (for a peace it never could with propriety be denominated) is one of those splendid and immemorable proofs (amongst a thousand others,) which our present enlightened and heaven-born administration has given of its transcendant talents, of its infallible and consummate wisdom: but, then this was to be considered a very important branch of the œconomical reginen to be adopted in the pacifice code; and which has been pursued with such singular and incalculable advantages to the public.--On the resumption, however, of the present struggle, an augmentation of the regular forces fortunately oc curred to, and was sagaciously determined upon by government; but how were the proposed numbers required to complete these augmentations to be raised? Were any probable means whatever adopted by which this could be accomplished?--Circular orders for recruiting were indeed issued; but, unless the mere announcing of his Majesty's pleasure for this purpose, together with the annexed signature of the Secretary at War, possessed the extraordinary and supernatural powers of Pompey's foot, (who boasted he could conjure up with it in a moment, by stamping on the ground, a legion of heroes) I know not by what other means, which were adopted, the army could be recruited! For by a quixotical combination of the most singu lar inconsistencies, government appears to have adopted one of the best concerted and effectual measures imaginable, completely to annihilate, in the same breath, that very recruiting service, the interests of which it af fected to have so warmly and paternally at heart. Did not the embodying of the militia, and the formation of its supplementary; were not the battalions of reserve, and the renovation of volunteer associations; were not all these wise and admirable expedients for the defence of the country most consistently adopted at the same time? In order to ob tain a sufficient number of men for the regu lated quotas, what liberal, nay, extravagant bounties were not offered for substitutes? Bounties from 25 to 50 guineas! And even notwithstanding this, the militia and reserve battalions are, at this moment, not above two thirds completed; so completely exhausted is the country of that part of its population which is in any degree fit for military ser vices, (admitting the legislative exemption of these tumultuary hordes of non-descripts, ycloped volunteers).I might here, by a short digression, not only point out the dangerous inutility of these rank productions of the ministerial hot-bed, but likewise, the ir

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