discussion of literary and religious topics. The period assigned for its dispersion is the year 1546 and it is worthy of observation, that on the first of May, in that very year, the Pope addressed a Bull to the Senate of Venice, directing them to suppress the Lutheran heresy at Vincenza. * There can be no question but that it was this Papal mandate which occasioned the breaking up of the Protestant society at that place. There belonged to it at this period, James de Chiar, Julius Trevisanus, and Francis de Ruego, who were seized by the inquisitors; the first died in prison, and the other two were put to death at Venice-Lælius Socinus, Niccola Paruta, Valentine Gentilis, Darius Socinus, Francis Niger, and John Paul Alciatus, who all escaped, and obtained an asylum among the Reformers on the other side of the Alps. †

The Senate of Venice, by permitting the Pope's Bull to be acted upon with such promptness and sanguinary violence, departed, for the first time, from that cautious and lenient policy which it had usually observed towards the favourers of the Reformation in the countries under its jurisdiction. What ever might have been the reasons of its conduct in this instance, they did not at once cease to operate: for the measures to which it now assented proved to be the forerunners of others upon a still larger scale, which ultimately effected the ruin of the cause of the Reformers in these states. The Pope, finding that the Reformed doctrines were gaining over proselytes in great numbers throughout Italy, issued strict orders to the officers of the Inquisition to use the utmost vigilance to detect and seize the heretics, and to suppress their books. These orders obtained the ready adoption and the active co-operation of the several governments into which they were sent. The Senate of Venice, on this occasion, evinced its zeal for the interests of the holy see, by re-enacting a decree which it had passed against heretics in the year 1521, probably on the

Gerdes, ut supra, pp. 71, et seqq. This writer has given the Bull at length.

+ Rees's Racovian Catechism. Historical Introduction, pp. xx. &c.; with the authorities referred to in the Note.

publication of the Bull against Luther, but which it had allowed to remain a dead letter upon its statute-books.

In consequence of the severity with which it was now carried into execution, Balthasar Alterius again interested himself for the persecuted Protestants, and, with the view of obtaining some mitigation of the edict which had been passed against them, wrote on their behalf to the Duke of Saxony, and the other leaders of the Reformation in Germany, and went himself with the same view into Switzerland to intercede with the Swiss Governments to take up their cause. His benevolent exertions failed of their object, and only served to incense against himself the power which he had aimed to soften for on his return he was ordered either to rejoin the Church of Rome or quit the states, and he immediately chose the latter alternative.*

Besides the territories of Venice, the principles of the Reformation obtained a favourable reception in other states in the north of Italy. The celebrated Pagninus, writing to Pope Clement VII., in January, 1525, states, that many of the citizens of Florence were infected by the Lutheran heresy; and he is careful to add, that he had laboured among them not without benefit to many souls. +

There were, also, several Protestants at Modena in 1542 and 1545, who attracted the notice of the See of Rome; and at Milan, so late as the year 1536, Pope Paul III. complains, in a letter to Moronus, bishop of Modena, that there were many heresies condemned by the Church, openly professed. The same Pope, writing to Cardinal Mantuanus in 1545, states, that he had been informed that there were at Mantua some of the clergy and others who not only doubted but denied the doctrines of the Roman Church, whom he exhorts him to take the proper methods to punish or reclaim. At Bologna, also, there were many converts to the Protestant cause; and, it is stated, that in their number they reckoned one individual of such influence and authority, that

* De Porta, ut supra, Tom. I. Lib. ii. pp. 31, et seqq.

+ Gerdes, pp. 9, 10.

he offered to furnish six thousand men, should it be found necessary to oppose, by force of arms, the measures of the court of Rome. * Whether at Ferrara, any proselytes were gained, does not decidedly appear. But in that government the cause of the Italian Reformers derived great support from the friendship and influence of the Princess Renata, the daughter of Louis XII. of France, who was married to the Duke of Ferrara and Modena. Her palace was the resort of those who were favourable to the Reformation: and under her roof those of them who in other states were persecuted for their opinions, frequently obtained a ready and a safe asylum. +

Whilst the spirit of the Reformation was spreading through the other states of Italy, it was found impossible to prevent its manifesting itself in the Pope's territories, and at the very threshold of the church of St. Peter's. For it appears, that even here, particularly in the town of Faenza, some men were zealous and intrepid enough to preach against the Roman power. † The little republic of Lucca is entitled to particular notice, in connexion with the history of the Italian Reformation. It has been already observed, that Peter Martyr, after quitting Naples, obtained the situation of prior of the monastery of St. Fridianus, at Lucca. After entering on this preferment, he established a kind of collegiate institution for the education of young persons, in which Paul Lacisius taught Latin; Celsus Martinengus, Greek; and Imanuel Tremellius,

Gerdes, pp. 59, 71, 84. + Idem. p. 23.

Les mœurs depravées de l'Ordre Ecclésiastique et de la Cour de Rome persuadèrent à bien des personnes, que tous les maux, qu'on éprouvoit, étoient en exécution des jugemens de Dieu, qui venoient venger les grands abus, qui se committoient journellement. On embrassoit en conséquence la Reforme, dans les maisons, et divers villes, particulièrement à Faënza, quoique Terre du Pape, on y prêchoit contre l'Eglise Romaine; de manière que de jour en jour, le nombre des Lutheriens, qui se faisoient nommer Evangelistes, s'augmentoient. Giannone Hist. Civ. de Naples, apud Gerdes, p. 22.

Hebrew; whilst Martyr himself attended to the department of theology, and delivered lectures on the Epistles of Paul. By the measures which he now pursued, he soon imbued his companions and fellow-labourers with the principles of the Reformation, and gained over other converts from among the persons who were admitted to attend his lectures. In the number of these proselytes was the celebrated Jerome Zanchius, at that time a monk, but who was afterwards Professor of Divinity in the university of Strasburg. Some idea of the success with which Martyr laboured may be formed from the fact, that within one year after he gave up his cowl, and went into voluntary exile, not less than eighteen of his associates at the monastery, quitted the place and joined the Reformers in Switzerland and Germany. Martyr finding it no longer safe to remain in Italy, went to Zurich, in company with Bernard Ochini, in 1542. He was followed by Celsus Martinengus, who was afterwards pastor of the Italian church at Geneva, by Imanuel Tremellius, Jerome Zanchius, and others. *

This sketch of the Italian Reformation must not be concluded without some notice of the churches which were formed in the Rhætian Alps. It seems, that so early as the year 1523, the attention of the court of Rome was drawn to the progress of heretical opinions in the valley of Tellina, in this district. The efforts that were then made to suppress the rising spirit of religious inquiry, proved vain and ineffectual; and, in a short time, the population of those parts which were included in the Swiss governinent of the Grisons, became converts to the doctrines of Zwinglius. The Italian being the language in common use, the exiles from Italy were naturally induced to resort hither, and great numbers of them chose this district for their permanent residence. From the Italian churches of this state, others were afterwards formed at Zurich and Geneva, which had to boast, among their ministers and members, of numerous individuals of distinguished learning and talents, and of noble and

* Adam in Vita Petri Martyris, pp. 33, 34; Gerdes, p. 80.

illustrious rank, who had been forced, by the terrors of the Inquisition, to bid adieu to their native Italy.*

The preceding statement contains a brief abstract of the history of the Reformation in Italy, as far, at least, as respects the first manifestations of open hostility to the doctrines and discipline of the Roman Church. The subsequent ecclesiastical history of that country would supply many additional facts of an interesting kind, which cannot now be noticed, but which might be used as materials for a work that is yet a desideratum in this branch of literature-an Italian Protestant Martyrology.

In tracing the means by which the work of reformation was carried on in Italy, it is evident that a great part of its success is to be attributed to the labours of churchmen, who, like Peter Martyr, employed themselves in explaining the Scriptures, and instilling into the minds of their hearers the principles of the German or the Swiss Reformers. But the most extensive effects in this way were produced by the general circulation of the writings of these eminent men, which were translated into the Italian language, and read with great avidity.†Ano

* De Porta, ut supra, Tom. I. Pt. ii. Cap. i. ii.; Gerdes, p. 86.

One of the earliest of the works that were translated was Melancthon's "Loci Communes," which was printed at Venice about the year 1529, under the following title: "Principi della Theologia, di Ippofilo de Terra Nigra." Afterwards appeared, without the author's name, Luther's explanation of the Lord's Prayer, and his Catechism, which latter, not be ing suspected to be an heretical work, was greatly esteemned by the Catholics. About the same period, Bucer published an Italian edition of his Commentary on the Psalms, under the feigned name of Aretius Felinus. Calvin's Catechism was also printed in Italian, without his name; and, in 1557, his Institutes were translated into Italian by Paschali, and dedicated to Galeazzo Caraccioli. In 1526, Bucer translated Luther's "Postillas" from the German into Latin, for the use of the Italian Reformers. Having taken some liberties with his original in omitting and altering some passages relating to the doctrine of Consubstantiation, he drew upon himself the severe displeasure of Luther, who styled his preface sacrilege,

ther circumstance to which important consequences are deservedly attached, was the translation of the Scriptures into the vernacular tongue. In 1530, Antonio Bruccioli printed, at Venice, an Italian version of the New Testament; and he followed up his design, by a translation of the Old Testament, which was published in 1540. These translations are erroneously classed, by Le Long and Father Simon, among the Catholic versions; but they were instantly disowned by the Roman Church, and placed in the catalogue of prohibited books.*

Exclusively of those who appear to have acted in concert, or as associated bodies, there were many individuals of distinguished eminence who sided with the friends of the Reformation in Italy, and became exiles on account of their religion. In the number of these, we may here just mention the names of Olympia Fulvia Morata, a native of Mantua; Cœlius Secundus Curio, born of a noble family in Piedmont; Minus Celsus, a native of Sienna; and George Blandrata, a physician of Piedmont, afterwards the opponent and persecu tor of Francis David, in Transylvania.

It may be remarked, in respect to the Italian Reformers in general, that most of those who were in circumstances to emigrate, and were fortu nate enough to escape the agents of the Inquisition, transported themselves, in the first instance, to Switzerland, and obtained settlements in the Grisons, at Geneva, and in some of the other states. Some of them were readily admitted into the Swiss churches, whose opinions they had embraced, and to whose discipline they did not object to conform.

In the course of time, as has already been observed, churches were formed of their own body, to which ministers were appointed from among their exiled countrymen. Some of the more learned of the ecclesiastics were appointed to professorships in the Swiss

and his notes poisonous glosses-venenatorum glossematum. Bucer, in consequence of this complaint, afterwards printed the altered passages in their original state, in a separate book, in which he inserted Luther's letters of remonstrance. See De Porta, ut supra, Tom. I. Pt. ii. p. 8.

* Gerdes, pp. 14 and 56.

and German Universities, and others were invited to fill similar stations in England; whilst some who went beyond the Swiss and German Reformers in their secession from the doctrines of the Church of Rome, found it necessary to emigrate to Poland and Transylvania, where they became instrumental in promoting the cause of Unitarianism.

The history of the Reformation in Italy presents one fact which is worthy of particular observation. It is not a little singular, that in this country so large a proportion of the more distinguished of those who seceded from the Roman Church should, at so early a period, have been carried to so great a length in calling in question and in rejecting the doctrine of the Trinity. It seems to be generally admitted, that those who formed the society at Vincenza, including in their number Lælius Socinus, were Antitrinitarians; and it may be inferred, that their opinions were pretty general among the Italian Reformers, from

making every allowance for these misrepresentations, which were generally the work of the enemies of the parties, who wished to heap upon them all the odium they could; and a deeper stain, they well knew, they could not at that time throw upon them, than that which the very imputation of Unitarianism conveyed; there is abundant evidence to shew, that a very large number of persons gave up their Tri nitarian creed before they quitted Italy. This circumstance affords a good proof, that they prosecuted their theological inquiries with a manly freedom and fearless intrepidity of mind, and with a becoming anxiety to follow the truth wherever it might be found, and whithersoever it might conduct them.

R. S.

Erratum.-The reader is requested to correct the reference to Mosheim in note, col. 2, p. 5: it should be to Vol. III. p. 387.

Kendal,
Feb. 14, 1822.
HAVE the satisfaction to announce

SIR,

which appears to have attached to almost every person of learning and distinction who quitted Italy on account of his religious sentiments. This suspicion was, indeed, in many cases, wholly unfounded. It is extremely doubtful, whether Valdesso, one of the first Reformers in Italy, dissented from the popular faith on the doctrine of the Trinity. In his "Divine Considerations," there is certainly nothing to impeach the orthodoxy of his creed on this head. Coelius Secundus Curio has also been charged with holding Antitrinitarian sentiments, but with out the shadow of evidence. Bernard Ochini has likewise been misrepresented in relation to this point. He has commonly been enumerated among the members of the society at Vincen za. But it does not seem likely that he could ever have belonged to it, and it is certain that he was not a member in 1546, when it was dispersed, as he had quitted Italy four years previously to that period. It appears, moreover, evident, that he was at this time a Trinitarian, and had no difficulty in uniting with the Trinitarian churches, both in Switzerland and in England. Towards the close of his life, however, he changed his sentiments, and became an Unitarian. But

blishment of a Fellowship Fund in the religious society with which I am connected. Upon the regulations for ma naging the institution, and the objects to which it is to be devoted, it is unnecessary to enlarge, as they are conformable to the well-known plan originally suggested by the late Doctor Thomson, and coincide with those which have been so frequently detailed in your pages. The great end we have in view, is to join with our brethren in aiding the progress of the truth as it is in Jesus, and we hope, that we shall strengthen our own hands by contributing to strengthen theirs, in this great and good cause.

It gives me additional pleasure to state further, that at the time when this establishment took place, it was unanimously resolved to have an annual collection, the amount of which should be alternately given to the College at York and to the London Unitarian Fund. The collection for this year will be appropriated to the use of the latter. In following up both these plans, I have no doubt we shall soon be joined by the whole of our society, when they see that the pecuniary exertions are individually below the notice of those whose means

are the most limited, but collectively efficient and available to such valuable purposes.

I am induced to mention another subject of importance to a few neighbouring congregations, in the hope that the information we want may be supplied by some of your correspondents. The last Lord Wharton left, by will, a number of Bibles to certain Dissenting societies, (of which ours was one,) to be distributed, at the discretion of the ministers, among the young. For a considerable time this was done in conformity to the conditions stated in the bequest, but about thirty years ago the distribution was transferred to the clergy of the Establishment, without any reason assigned, or any known authority for such a deviation from the will of his Lordship. This statement was made to the commissioners sent by Parliament to inquire into the abuses of Charities, but they knew nothing of the subject, and did not seem to consider it as within the scope of their powers. If inserted in your miscellany, it may possibly meet the eye of one better informed; and should this be case, any explanation of the business, through the medium of the Repository, will be acceptable to many of its readers in this part of the kingdom.

SIR,

JOHN HARRISON.

Manchester, Feb. 13, 1822. IT is with considerable diffidence that I intrude upon the notice of the readers of the Monthly Repository; but being convinced that the subject to which I wish to draw their attention, is one which, if it were more universally considered, would be productive of much good, I have been thus induced to act, no less influenced by a principle of duty, than a desire to promote the interests of Unitarianism. A few months ago, a religious society was formed by several ardent friends to the cause of pure and uncorrupted Christianity in this town, for the purpose of promoting a spirit of free inquiry, by the liberal discussion of the leading doctrines of Christianity. The meetings are held once every week, and the discussions carried on in a candid and impartial manner, under the superintendence of a conductor who officiates as chairman

for the evening. There are a few short rules prepared for the government of the society, which are subscribed by the members, each of whom is allowed to introduce his friends. From amongst the gentlemen constituting the society, a number of persons are chosen to act as conductors; whose duty it is, in rotation, to deliver a short discourse on some religious subject, of which a week's previous notice has been given, so that every person may, in the interval, acquaint himself with the subject, and come prepared to give his opinion. The meetings are opened by singing and prayer, and concluded, after the debate, with a short prayer. By these means are the great and leading doctrines of Christianity brought before their view, and become not only more thoroughly understood, but more deeply impressed upon the inind. Some are, thereby, led to inquire into the truth of those doctrines which they have, perhaps, adopted without inquiry, and professed to believe without understanding. Its members are led into a more minute examination of the evidence upon which their belief is founded; and that must naturally tend to a better acquaintance with the Scriptures, and to the elucidation of many parts of those writings which had before appeared to them "hard to be understood:" thus, too, are they better prepared "to give to every one that asketh of them, a reason of the hope that is in them." It also promotes an interest in that most pure religion which too many of the world are inclined to think they sufficiently estimate by an attendance at a place of public worship one day out of seven, and by now and then contributing towards the accomplishment of some desirable object or support of a charitable institution. It tends to the instruction and improvement of each individual, by all imparting their own information and knowledge for the benefit of the community. And, lastly, it excites a degree of fellowship and brotherly-kindness amongst the members, and knits them more closely together in the support of that doctrine which they profess: an object, I fear, more to be wished than realized in the congregations of Unitarian Christians. It is to me a matter of regret, that they do not "exhibit the