O'Hara's brow belies his dress, Gay Tarleton's troop ride bannerless : Nor thou alone: with one glad voice While they who hunt her quail with fear: The New World's chain lies broken here. Expedition of Arnold.—In the mean time Arnold had been despatched, by Clinton, on an expedition against New London, in the hope that Washington would thus be diverted from his design upon Cornwallis and Yorktown. Fort Griswold, by which the town was defended, made a brave defense, but was finally carried by assault. Col. Led yard, its commander, was murdered with his own sword, after yielding it up, and many of the garrison were also slaughtered The town was reduced to ashes. Close of the Revolution. -The surrender of Cornwallis caused great rejoicings throughout the United States, being considered a death-blow to the war. The effect in England was as might have been anticipated. Public opinion became so decidedly opposed to the further prosecution of hostilities, that, upon the formation of a new ministry, negotiations were entered into for the establishment of peace. A convention of commissioners from the two countries met at Paris, four of whom, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, represented the United States, and, on the 30th of November, 1782, they signed a preliminary treaty. A cessation of hostilities was proclaimed in the American army on the 19th of April, 1783, the eighth anniversary of the battle of Lexington; and, on the 3d of September, a definitive treaty of peace was signed at Paris. By the terms of this treaty, Great Britain acknowledged the independence of the United States, conceded boundaries extending to the great lakes on the north and the Mississippi on the west, as well as an unlimited right to fish on the banks of Newfoundland. Florida was, at the same time, given back to Spain. Difficulties at the Close of the War.-The close of the war found the national treasury empty; the States were unable to respond to the call of Congress for money, and the resources obtained by foreign loans were nearly exhausted. The government was, accordingly, unable to meet the just claims made upon it, and the consequence was general discontent, particularly among the officers and privates of the army. Through the influence of Washington, these discontents in the army were soothed, and arrangements were made by which Congress granted five years' whole pay to the officers, instead of, as by resolution passed in 1780, half pay for life. Four months' whole pay was granted to the soldiers, in part liquidation of their claims. During this period the headquarters of Washington were at Newburg. (See Newburg Addresses, p. 214.) Proposal of Colonel Nicola.—It was at this place that an event occurred, which, while it gave great pain as well as alarm to Washington, served to illustrate more forcibly than any other incident could have done, the virtue, magnanimity, and disinterested patriotism, for which his character is so remarkable. Colonel Nicola was the usual medium employed by the officers and soldiers to convey to the commander-in-chief their troubles, their complaints, and their desires. In May, 1783, this officer addressed a letter to him, complaining of the then condition of the army and the country, and the unsatisfactory prospect of improvement and relief through the action of Congress, and expressing the opinion that a republican form of government was insecure and unreliable, and that the English form of government was more stable, and preferable on other accounts. This celebrated letter ended thus: "It will, I believe, be uncontroverted, that the same abilities which have led us, through difficulties apparently insurmountable, to human power, to victory and glory-those quali ties that have merited and obtained the universal esteem and veneration of an army—would be most likely to conduct and direct us in the smoother paths of peace. Some people have so connected the idea of tyranny and monarchy, as to find it very difficult to separate them. It may, therefore, be requisite to give the head of such a constitution as I propose, some title apparently more moderate; but, if all other things were once adjusted, I believe strong arguments might be produced for admitting the title of KING, which I conceive would be attended with some national advantage." The following was Washington's reply, probably, in view of the conduct of other distinguished men in the world's history, the most to be admired of all his utterances: Washington's Reply to Colonel Nicola. SIR: With a mixture of great surprise and astonishment, I have read with attention the sentiments you have submitted to my perusal. Be assured, sir, no occurrence in the course of this war has given me more painful sensations than your information of there being such ideas existing in the army as you have expressed, and which I must view with abhorrence and reprehend with severity. For the present, the communication of them will rest in my own bosom, unless some further agitation of the matter shall make a disclosure necessary. I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct should have given encouragement to an address which to me seems big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. If I am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. At the same time, in justice to my own feelings, I must add, that no man possesses a more serious wish to see ample justice done to the army, than I do; and as far as my power and influence, in a constitutional way, extend, they shall be employed to the utmost of my abilities to effect it, should there be any occasion. Let me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for your country, concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself or any one else, a sentiment of the like nature. I am etc. Newburg Addresses.—In March, 1783, before Congress had taken any satisfactory action in relation to the claims of the army, anonymous addresses were circulated, with the view apparently to inflame the minds of the soldiers, and lead to such violent action on their part as would have compelled a compliance with their demands. The author of these addresses was Major John Armstrong, Jr., a young officer, who served as aide-de-camp to General Gates; and it afterwards appeared that his only object was to quicken Congress to do justice to the soldiers. Had it not been for the wisdom and tact of Washington, however, their circulation might have led to the most disastrous consequences. The following is the first of these addresses: Address to the Army. 1. A FELLOW-SOLDIER, whose interests and affections bind him strongly to you, whose past sufferings have been as great, and whose future fortunes may be as desperate, as yours, would beg leave to address you. Age has its claims, and rank is not without its pretensions to advise; but although unsupported by both, he flatters himself that the plain language of sincerity and experience will neither be unheard nor unregarded. 2. Like many of you, he loved private life, and left it with regret. He left it, determined to retire from the field with the necessity that called him to it, and not till then-not till the enemies of his country, the slaves of power and the hirelings of injustice, were compelled to abandon their schemes, and ac knowledge America as terrible in arms as she had been humble in remonstrance. With this object in view, he has long shared in your toils and mingled in your dangers-he has felt the cold hand of poverty without a murmur, and has seen the insolence of wealth without a sigh. But too much under the direction of his wishes, and sometimes weak enough to mistake desire for opinion, he has, till lately, very lately, believed in the justice of his country. He hoped that, as the clouds of adversity scattered, and as the sunshine of peace and better fortune broke in upon us, the coldness and severity of government would relax, and that more than justice, that gratitude, would blaze forth upon those hands which had upheld her in the darkest stages of her passage from impending servitude to acknowledged independence. 3. But faith has its limits, as well as temper; and there are points beyond which neither can be stretched without sinking into cowardice or plunging into credulity. This, my friends, I conceive to be your situation-hurried to the very verge of both, another step would ruin you forever. To be tame and unprovoked, when injuries press hard upon you, is more than weakness; but to look up for kinder usage without one manly effort of your own, would fix your character, and show the world how richly you deserve those chains you broke. To guard against this evil, let us take a view of the ground upon which we now stand, and from thence carry our thoughts forward, for a moment, into the unexplored field of expedient. 4. After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which we set out is at length brought within our reach. Yes, my friends, that suffering courage of yours was active once; it has conducted the United States of America through a doubtful and bloody war-it has placed her in the chair of independence, and peace returns again to bless—whom? A country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, and reward your services? A country courting your return to private life with tears of gratitude and smiles of admiration? Longing to divide with you that independency which your gallantry has given, and those riches which your swords have preserved? Is this the case? Or is it, rather, a country that tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries, and insults your distresses? 5. Have you not more than once suggested your wishes, and made known your wants to Congress (wants and wishes which gratitude and policy should have anticipated, rather than have evaded), and have you not lately, in the meek language of entreating memorials, begged from their justice what you could no longer expect from their favor? How have you been answered? Let the letter which you are called upon to consider to-morrow make reply! 6. If this, then, be your treatment, while the swords you wear are necessary for the defense of America, what have you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate by division-when those very swords, the instruments and companions of your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark of military distinction be left but your wants, infirmities, and fears? Can you then consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution, and, retiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? Can you consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in honor? 7. If you can, go, and carry with you the jest of tories and the scorn of whigs; the ridicule, and, what is worse, the pity of the world! Go, starve and be forgotten! But if your spirits should revolt at this, if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit sufficient to oppose tyranny, under whatever garb it may assume-whether it be the plain coat of republicanism or the splendid robe of royalty; if you have yet learned to discriminate between a people and a cause-between men and principles-awake, attend to your situation, and redress yourselves! 8. If the present moment be lost, every future effort is in vain; your threats then will be as empty as your entreaties now. I would advise you, therefore, to come to some final opinion of what you can bear and what you will suffer. If your determination be in any proportion to your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the fears of government. |