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willing to commit this power, he will be disposed — he can afford to give him large wages. The incorporated company, with its capital of millions, must put into the hands of its officers, sometimes of a single man, its whole wealth. And, after all the bonds and guaranties that can be devised, reliance must be mainly placed upon the moral character of the man.

In affairs of state, in the highest public trusts, how much must always depend on personal honor and integrity! What other assurance can the people have, that their servant may not, under great temptation, prove recreant to duty, and injure and disgrace himself and his country? Looking at all rewards in the light of political economy, it is here that we find the highest plane of human effort.

• It may be objected to this new classification of labor, that we confound economic with moral science, and depart from our appropriate sphere. We reply, that men, if truly moral, are so not because it is profitable, not because it will enlarge the value of their services, but because it is right, because they love integrity for its own sake. This must be their motive, or their morality has no reliable foundation. Yet from this cause it occurs that their services are more desirable, and they will receive greater remuneration, will be paid for honesty as truly as for intelligence, activity, and strength. So a man must preserve his health, if he would receive wages for even the lowest form of labor; but that will not be his motive. The love of life and the pleasures of health will form the grand consideration in his mind why he should abstain from all that will impair his physical energies; yet, as a consequence, he secures the ability to command wages, and is paid for his abstinence and discretion.

We cannot, therefore, acknowledge the validity of the objection to that which seems to us the most natural and scientific classification of wages.

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CHAPTER IV.

LABOR COMBINATIONS.

IN connection with the subject of wages, it seems necessary to inquire somewhat in regard to the rights of the laborer, since upon these his compensation must to some extent depend.

Under a government acknowledging the rights of all men, the laborer must, of course, have the same rights as his fellow-citizens, neither more nor less. He asks no favor, and grants none. He demands the same justice, the same freedom, accorded to others. He should be able, so far ás law is concerned, to work when and for whom he chooses, and for such consideration as he can get in the great competition of industry. The law cannot say how much he shall accept for wages, how many hours shall constitute a day's work, nor how much the employer shall give him. Each is left perfectly free, and the competition is simply between labor and capital.

But the laborer is not under obligation to act as an insulated individual, any more than the capitalist. If the latter is permitted, and even authorized and encouraged, to combine with his fellows in order to enhance the power and profits of capital, it is equally the right of the laborer to do the same, and equally the duty of the legislator to give him any facilities for doing this he may justly demand.

If capital is incorporated, labor should have the same privilege. If favors in any case are awarded to one party, they should certainly be furnished to the other.

Laborers, then, may combine, if they deem it best to act in concert in regard to their interests.

As a matter of fact, they do form associations for mutual benefit. In England, these "friendly societies," as they

are called, are numerous, and often exert a very happy influence. They are formed for a great variety of specified objects. One class, for example, provide,—

1st, For assisting members when they are obliged to travel in search of employment.

2d, For granting temporary relief to members in distressed circumstances.

3d, For the relief and maintenance of members in case. of blindness, lameness, or bodily hurt through accident. 4th, For the purchase of necessaries to be supplied to the members.

5th, For the purpose of assuring the members against loss by disease or death of cattle employed in trade or agriculture.

6th, For the purpose of accumulating at interest, for the use of the member, the surplus fund remaining after providing for his assurance.

Some societies provide for a variety of other contingencies, sickness, old age, and death. These associations are so numerous and important in Great Britain that the government has appointed a registrar (John Tidd Pratt, Esq.) for their general supervision, and his reports are annually made to Parliament. All associations like these, if properly managed, have a tendency, not only to relieve the misfortunes of the laboring classes, but to enhance their wages by making them more independent.

Societies are also formed for the diffusion of intelligence amongst these classes, and for their moral and social elevation,-like temperance associations, lyceums, mechanics' institutes, &c. These, too, have the effect to influence favorably the rate of wages, since they tend to bring laborers more upon a level with the more favored classes, to increase their intelligence, and especially to divert them from low and degrading occupations and amusements.

Associations of this kind will, in the progress of events, undoubtedly contribute more and more towards an equal

distribution of the wealth which labor produces in conjunction with capital, provided they are formed for proper purposes, and conducted in an orderly manner.

TRADES' UNIONS.

One of the forms in which these associations make their appearance is that of trades' unions. The principal object of these, generally, is the increase of wages. The different trades often combine for this purpose, and endeavor to fix the rate at which they will work. This, it would seem, they have an undoubted right to do: whether it be good policy is another question.

Men may mutually agree, for example, that they will work only ten hours per day, and will have two dollars per day as wages. All who voluntarily join such an agreement are in honor bound to keep it; and, if the association binds itself to support those who are turned out of employment, they have also the undoubted right so to do.

But, while all this is conceded, it does not follow, that, if a member violates the rules of the society, his associates may inflict any punishment upon him for doing so, except such as the law of the land authorizes. A trade's union is not an imperium in imperio. It has all the rights which each individual member has, and no more. Hence any attempt to inflict punishment upon such delinquent is as much an infringement of his rights, and of the laws of the country, as if it were done by an individual.

Again: nor has a trade's union any right whatever, moral or legal, to interfere in any manner with those of their craft who do not choose to enter into their association. If such persons prefer to work at a less rate of wages than that established in the tariff of the union rather than not work at all, they have the most unquestionable right to do so; and any attempt to prevent them by brute force is an infringement of personal rights which government is bound to resist to the utmost. Such an act is merely the act of a

mob, and has no justification. Nay, more: under a free government, where these very men who have thus combined are citizens, with the right of suffrage, and, in common with others, elect those who enact the laws under which they live, any outrage of this kind is an overt act of moral treason against republican institutions. It is a virtual declaration that these institutions have failed, and must fail, to give adequate protection, and therefore these aggrieved parties are obliged to resort to violence; in other words, to override the government, the Constitution, and the laws.

STRIKES.

The foregoing argument covers the whole ground of right or wrong in regard to strikes.

Members of a trade's union, believing that their wages are inadequate or less than their employers can well afford, by mutual agreement strike for higher wages. If not granted, they turn out. To produce effect, and aid in obtaining what they demand, they parade the streets with banners and music. Very well, so far; for other associations do the same, whenever they see fit. If these demonstrations do not interfere with the general avocations and pursuits of the public, there can be no reasonable complaint. The economy and utility of such demonstrations is another matter; but the right to make them need not be disputed.

But when, in addition to this, a procession, instead of peaceably passing through the streets, proceeds to compel by force every person engaged in a particular trade to quit his employment, the case is entirely altered. The procession has become a lawless mob, and is to be dealt with like any other body of men disturbing the public peace.

All demonstrations of violence, of this kind, are in utter antagonism, not only to the institutions of society in general, but to the real and permanent interests of the party which makes them. They do harm, and only harm, in the long-run, both economically and morally, and degrade, in