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later ages. For which, and other reasons, they have thought fit to lay aside these human inventions, which have done so much mischief, and have contented themselves with that wisdom that is contained in God's book; which directs them to preach the Word of God purely, to minister the sacraments sincerely, and use prayers and other orders thereby approved, to the edification of the Church, and increase of God's glory."

different foundation with the leave of the government under which they lived. But they insisted that, because the congregation of Frankfort was made up of Englishmen, they ought to have the form of an English church; that many of them had subscribed to the use of the

divine could not do; but after a modest excuse for intermeddling in their affairs, told them that, "in his opinion, they were too much addicted to the English ceremonies; nor could he see to what purpose it was to burden the Church with such hurtful and offensive things, when there was liberty to have a simple and more pure, order. He blamed their conduct to Mr. Knox, which he said was neither godly nor brotherly; and concludes with beseeching them to prevent divisions among themselves." This pacific let- The reader has now seen the first breach or ter having no effect, the old congregation left schism between the English exiles, on account their countrymen in possession of their church, of the service-book of King Edward, which made and departed the city. Mr. Fox, the martyrol-way for the distinction, by which the two parties ogist, with a few more, went to Basil; and the were afterward known, of Puritans and Conformrest to Geneva, where they were received with ists. It is evident that Dr. Cox and his friends great humanity, and having a church appointed were the aggressors, by breaking in upon the them, they chose Mr. Knox and Goodman their agreement of the congregation of Frankfort, pastors. Here they set up the Geneva disci- which was in peace, and had consented to go pline, which they published in English, under on in their way of worship for a limited time, the title of The Service, Discipline, and Form of which time was not then expired. He artfully Common Prayers and Administration of Sacra- ejected Mr. Knox from his ministry among them, ments used in the English Church of Geneva, and brought in the service-book with a high with a dedication to their brethren in England hand; by which those who had been in possesand elsewhere. Dated from Geneva, February sion of the church about nine months* were 10th, 1556. The liturgy is too long to be insert- obliged to depart the city, and set up their wored in this place, but is agreeable to that of the ship in another place. The doctor and his French churches. In their dedication, they say friends discovered an ill spirit in this affair. "that their discipline is limited within the com- They might have used their own forms without pass of God's Word, which is sufficient to gov- imposing them upon others, and breaking a ern all our actions. That the dilatory proceed-congregation to pieces that had settled upon a ings of the bishops in reforming church discipline and removing offensive ceremonies is one cause of the heavy judgments of God upon the land. That the late service-book of King Edward being now set aside by Parliament according to law, it was in no sense the established worship of the Church of England, and, conse-service-book; and that the departing from it at quently, they were under no obligation to use this time was pouring contempt on the martyrs it, any farther than it was consonant to the who were sealing it with their blood. But the Word of God. Being, therefore, at liberty, and others replied, that the laws of their country rein a strange land, they had set up such an order lating to the service-book were repealed; and as, in the judgment of Mr. Calvin and other as for their subscription, it could not bind them learned divines, was most agreeable to Scrip- from making nearer approaches to the purity ture, and the best Reformed Churches." Their and simplicity of the Christian worship, esreasons for laying aside the late rites and cere- pecially when there was no established Protmonies were these: "because, being invented estant Church of England, and they were in a by men, though upon a good occasion, yet they strange country, where the vestments and cerehad since been abused to superstition, and made monies gave offence. Besides, it was allowed a necessary part of Divine worship. Thus Hez- on all hands that the book itself was imperfect; ekiah was commended for breaking in pieces and it was credibly reported that the Archbishop the brazen serpent, after it had been erected of Canterbury had drawn up a form of common eight hundred years, and the high places that prayer much more perfect, but that he could had been abused to idolatry were commanded not make it take place, because of the corrupto be destroyed. In the New Testament, the tion of the clergy. As for discipline, it was out washing the disciples' feet, which was prac- of the question that it was imperfect, for the tised in the primitive Church, was for wise rea-service-book itself laments the want of it; and, sons laid aside, as well as their love-feasts. Be- therefore, they apprehend that, if the martyrs sides, these rites and ceremonies have occasion- themselves were in their circumstances, they ed great contentions in the Church in every would practise with the same latitude, and reage. The Galatian Christians objected to St. form those imperfections in the English servicePaul, that he did not observe the Jewish cere- book which they attempted, but could not obmonies as the other apostles did; and yet he tain, in their own country. observed them while there was any hope of gaining over weak brethren; for this reason he circumcised Timothy; but when he perceived that men would retain them as necessary things in the Church, he called that, which before he made indifferent, wicked and impious, saying, that whosoever was circumcised, Christ could nothing profit him.' The like contentions have been between the Greek and Latin Church in

Mr. Neal has said, "almost two years;" here, by consulting his authority, "the troubles at Frankfort," it appears that he is properly corrected by Bishop Maddox. In other respects, his lordship's animadversions on this part of Mr. Neal's History which he has faithfully adhered, deserves credit. are not just or accurate, if Mr. Neal's authority, to This piece, when it was become scarce, was reprinted in the "Phoenix," vol. ii., 1708. Mr. Strype refers to it as giving authentic information.-ED.

burned all the English Bibles, and such heretical books as they could find. They took up the body of Peter Martyr's wife out of one of the churches, and buried it in a dunghill, because, having been once a nun, she broke her vow; but her body was afterward taken up again in Queen Elizabeth's time, and mixed with the bones of St. Fridiswide, that they might never more be disturbed by papists. The persecution of the Reformed was carried on with all imaginable fury; and a design was set on foot to introduce the Inquisition, by giving commissions to certain laymen to search for persons suspected of heresy, and present them to their ordinaries, as has been related. Cardinal Pole being thought too favourable to heretics, because he had released several that were brought before him upon their giving ambiguous answers, had his legatine power taken from him, and was recalled; but upon his submission he was forgiven, and continued here till his death, but had little influence afterward either in the courts of Rome or England, being a clergyman of too much temper for the times he lived in.

To return to Dr. Cox's congregation at Frankfort. The doctor having settled Mr. Horn in the pastoral office, in the room of Mr. Whitehead, who resigned, after some time left the place. But within six months a new division happened among them, occasioned by a private dispute between Mr. Horn, the minister, and Mr. Ashby, one of the principal members. Mr. Horn summoned Ashby to appear at the vestry before the elders and officers of the Church; Ashby appealed from them, as parties, to the whole Church, who appointed the cause to be brought before them; but Mr. Horn and the officers protested against it, and chose rather to lay down their ministry and service in the Church, than submit to a popular decision. The congregation being assembled on this occasion, gave it as their opinion that, in all controversies among themselves, and especially in cases of appeals, the dernier resort should be in the Church. It is hardly credible what heats and divisions, factions and parties, these personal quarrels occasioned among a handful of strangers, to the scandal of religion, and their own reproach with the people among whom they lived. At length the magistrate interposed, and advised them to bury all past offences in oblivion, and to choose new church officers in the room of those that had laid down; and since their discipline was defective as to the points of controversy that had been before them, they commanded them to appoint certain persons of their number to draw up a new form of discipline, or correct and amend the old one; and to do this before they chose their ecclesias-examined about her, and some of them put to tical officers, that, being all private persons, they might agree upon that which was most reasonable in itself, without respect of persons or parties. This precept was delivered in writing, March 1st, 1557, and signed by Mr. John Glauburge. Hereupon fifteen persons were appointed to the work, which, after some time, was finished; and having been subscribed by the Church to the number of fifty-seven, was confirmed by the magistrate; and on the 21st of December, twenty-eight more were added to the Church and subscribed; but Mr. Horn and his party, to the number of twelve, dissented, and appealed to the magistrates, who had the patience to hear their objections, and the others' reply. But Mr. Horn and his friends not prevailing, left the congregation to their new discipline, and departed the city, from which time they continued in peace till the death of Queen Mary.

Princess Elizabeth was in constant danger of her life throughout the whole course of this reign. Upon the breaking out of Wyat's conspiracy she was sent to the Tower, and led in by the Traitors' gate; her own servants being put from her, and no person allowed to have access to her: the governor used her hardly, not suffering her to walk in the gallery or upon the leads. Wyat and his confederates were

the rack; but they all cleared her except Wyat, who once accused her, in hopes to save his life, but declared upon the scaffold to all the people that he only did it with that view. After some time she was sent to Woodstock in custody of Sir Henry Benefield, who used her so ill that she apprehended they designed to put her privately to death. Here she was under close confinement, being seldom allowed to walk in the gardens. The politic Bishop Gardiner often moved the queen to think of putting her out of the way, saying it was to no purpose to lop off the branches while the tree was left standing. But King Philip was her friend, who sent for her to court, where she fell upon her knees before the queen, and protested her innocence as to all conspiracies and treasons against her majesty; but the queen still hated her: however, after that, her guards were discharged, and she was suffered to retire into the country, where she gave herself wholly to study, med

During these troubles died Dr. Poynet, late bishop of Winchester, born in Kent, and edu-dling in no sort of business, for she was always cated in Queen's College, Oxon, a very learned and pious divine, who was in such favour with King Edward for his practical preaching that he preferred him first to the bishopric of Rochester, and then to Winchester.* Upon the accession of Queen Mary he fled to Strasburgh, where he died, August 2, 1556, before he was full forty years old, and was buried with great lamentations of his countrymen.

To return to England. Both the universities were visited this year. At Cambridge they burned the bodies of Bucer and Fagius, with their books and heretical writings. At Oxford the visiters went through all the colleges, and * Fuller's Worthies, b. ii., p. 72.

The

apprehensive of spies about her. The princess
complied outwardly with her sister's religion,
avoiding as much as she could all discourses
with the bishops, who suspected her of an in-
clination to heresy from her education.
queen herself was apprehensive of the danger
of the popish religion if she died without issue;
and was often urged by her clergy, especially
when her health was visibly declining, to se-
cure the Roman Catholic religion by delivering
the kingdom from such a presumptive heir.
Her majesty had no scruple of conscience about
spilling human blood in the cause of religion ;*

"In a book entitled The Executions for Treason,' written by Lord Burleigh, in Queen Elizabeth's

1

the preservation of the princess was, therefore, little less than a miracle of Divine Providence, and was owing, under God, to the protection of King Philip, who, despairing of issue from the queen, was not without expectations from the princess.

But the hand of God was against Queen Mary and her government, which was hardly attended with one prosperous event; for instead of having issue by her marriage, she had only a false conception, so that there were little or no hopes afterward of a child. This increased the sourness of her temper; and her husband, being much younger than herself, grew weary of her, slighted her company, and then left her to look to his hereditary dominions, after he had lived with her about fifteen months. There being a war between Spain and France, the queen was obliged to take part with her husband; this exhausted the treasure of the nation, and was the occasion of the loss of all the English dominions upon the Continent. In the beginning of this year the strong town of Calais was taken, after it had been in the possession of the English two hundred and ten years: afterward the French took Guines and the rest of that territory, nothing being left but the isles of Jersey and Guernsey. The English, says a learned writer, had lost their hearts; the government at home being so unacceptable that they were not much

time, he says, 'Four hundred persons suffered publicly in Queen Mary's days, besides those who were secretly murdered in prison: of these, twenty were bishops and dignified clergymen; sixty were women; children, more than forty; some women big with child; one bore a child in the fire, and the child was burned.' This is probably the nearest approach we can make to the facts of the case, and it exhibits a sufficiently fearful and horrifying spectacle. Religious persecution had not been unknown to our fathers, but the instances of capital punishment for heresy were few, and the interval between them had been great. They had not, however, been sufficiently numerous to impair the humanity of the nation, much less so to pervert its sympathies as to induce any complacency in these horrible exhibitions. The slaughter of Gardiner and Bonner was therefore regarded with indignation and abhorrence. Their names became hateful, and their memory has been loaded with the reproach of many generations. 'It was an unusual and an ungrateful thing,' says Burnet, 'to the English nation, that is apt to compassionate all in misery, to see four, five, six, seven, and once thirteen, burning in one fire; and the sparing neither sex nor age, nor blind nor lame, but making havoc of all equally, and, above all, the barbarity of Guernsey, raised that horror in the whole nation, that there seems, ever since that time, such an abhorrence to that religion, to be derived down from father to son, that it is no wonder an aversion so deeply rooted, and raised upon such grounds, does, upon every new provocation, or jealousy of returning to it, break out in most violent and convulsive symptoms.' While some approach to truth can be obtained, in calculating the numbers that were burned, it is impossible to form any adequate conception of the mass of misery which was involved in the persecutions of this period. A speedy death, though by fire, was merciful and kind, compared with the treatment which some experienced. New methods of torment were devised by a perverted ingenuity, which might inflict the pain, without bringing the relief, of death. Bigotry put on its fiercest and most rancorous form, and revelled in scenes of wo which might have touched the hardest heart."-Dr. Price's Hist. Noncon., vol. i., p. 120-122.-C.

concerned to support it, for they began to think that Heaven itself was against it.

Indeed, there were strange and unusual accidents in the heavens.* Great mischief was done in many places by thunder and lightning, by deluges, by excessive rains, and by stormy winds. There was a contagious distemper like the plague, that swept away great numbers of people, so that in many places there were not priests to bury the dead, nor men enough to reap the harvest. Many bishops died, which made way for the Protestant ones in the next reign. The Parliament was dissatisfied with King Philip's demand for men and money for the recovery of Calais; and the queen herself grew melancholy upon the loss of that place, and the other misfortunes of the year. She had been declining in health ever since her pretended miscarriage, which was vastly increased by the absence of her husband, her despair of issue, and the cross accidents that attended her government. Her spirits were now decayed, and a dropsy coming violently upon her, put an end to her unhappy life and reign, November 17, 1558, in the forty-third year of her age and sixth of her reign; Cardinal Pole, archbishop of Canterbury, dying the same day.t

Queen Mary was a princess of severe principles, constant at her prayers, and very little given to diversions. She did not mind any branch of government so much as the Church, being ward to give a sanction to all their cruelties. entirely at the disposal of her clergy, and forShe had deep resentments of her own ill-usage in her father's and brother's reigns, which easily induced her to take revenge, though she coloured it over with a zeal against heresy. She was perfectly blind in matters of religion, her conscience being absolutely directed by the pope and her confessor, who encouraged her in all the cruelties that were exercised against the Protestants, assuring her that she was doing God and his Church good service. There is but one instance of a pardon of any condemned for heresy during her whole reign. Her natural temper was melancholy; and her infirmities, together with the misfortunes of her government, made her so peevish, that her death was lamented by none but her popish clergy. Her reign was in every respect calamitous to the nation, and "ought to be transmitted down to posterity in characters of blood."

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* Burnet's Hist. Ref., vol. ii., p. 366.

+ During his residence in Italy, on the demise of Paul III., Cardinal Pole had been elected pope, at midnight, by the conclave, and sent for to come and be admitted. He desired that this, as it was not a work of darkness, might be postponed to the morning. Upon this message, the cardinals, without any farther ceremony, proceeded to another election, and chose the Cardinal de Monte, who, before he left the conclave, bestowed a hat upon a servant who looked after his monkey-Granger's Biogr. History, 8vo, vol. i., p. 158, note.-ED.

Strype's Ann., vol. i., p. 251, 175.

with them in preaching God's word, and in endeavouring to obtain such a form of worship as they had seen practised in the best Reforined Churches. The others replied that it would not be in their power to appoint what ceremonies should be observed; but they were determined to submit in things indifferent, and hoped those of Geneva would do so too; however, they would join with them in petitioning the queen that nothing burdensome might be imposed. Both parties congratulated her majesty's accession, in poems, addresses, and dedications of books; but they were reduced to the utmost poverty and distress. They came threadbare home, bringing nothing with them (says Mr. Strype*) but much experience, as well as learning. Those who could comply with the queen's

rest were neglected, and though suffered to preach in the churches for some time, they were afterward suspended, and reduced to as great poverty as before.

gave new life to the Reformation: as soon as it was known beyond sea most of the exiles returned home, and those who had hid themselves in the houses of their friends began to appear; but the public religion continued for a time in the same posture the queen found it; the popish priests kept their livings, and went on celebrating mass. None of the Protestant clergy who had been ejected in the last reign were restored, and orders were given against all innovations without public authority. Though the queen had complied with the changes in her sister's reign, it was well known she was a favourer of the Reformation; but her majesty proceeded with great caution, for fear of raising disturbances in her infant government. No prince ever came to the crown under greater disadvantages. The pope had pronounced her illegiti-establishment were quickly preferred; but the mate, upon which the Queen of Scots put in her claim to the crown. All the bishops and clergy of the present establishment were her declared enemies. The nation was at war with France, and the treasury exhausted; the queen, therefore, by the advice of her privy council, resolved to make peace with her neighbours as soon as possible, that she might be more at leisure to proceed in her intended alterations of religion, which, though very considerable, were not so entire as the best and most learned Protestants of these times desired. The queen inherited the spirit of her father, and affected a great deal of magnificence in her devotions, as well as in her court. She was fond of many of the old rites and ceremonies in which she had been educated. She thought her brother had stripped religion too much of its ornaments, and made the doctrines of the Church too narrow in some points. It was therefore with difficulty that she was prevailed on to go the length of King Edward's reformation.*

It had been happy if the sufferings of the exiles had taught them a little more charity and mutual forbearance; or that they had followed the advice of their learned friends and patrons beyond sea, who advised them to go through with the Reformation, and clear the Church of all the relics of popery and superstition at once. This was the advice of Gualter, one of the chief divines of Zurich, who, in his letter to Dr. Masters, the queen's physician, January 16, 1558-9, wishes "that the Reformers among us would not hearken to the counsels of those men who, when they saw that popery could not be honestly defended nor entirely retained, would use all artifices to have the outward face of religion to remain mixed, uncertain, and doubtful; so that while an evangelical reformation is pretended, those things should be obtruded on the Church which will make the returning back to popery, superstition, and idolatry, very easy. We have had the experience of this (says he) for some years in Germany, and know what influence such persons may have: their counsels seem to a carnal judgment to be full of modesty, and well fitted for carrying on a universal agreement; and we may well believe the common enemy of our salvation will find out proper instruments, by whose means the seeds of popery may still remain among you. I apprehend that in the first beginnings, while men may study to avoid the

The only thing her majesty did before the meeting of the Parliament was to prevent pulpit disputes, for some of the reformed that had been preachers in King Edward's time, began to make use of his service-book without authority or license from their superiors; this alarmed the popish clergy, and gave occasion to a proclamation, dated December 27, 1558.+ By which all preaching of ministers or others was prohibited; and the people were charged to hear no other doctrine or preaching but the Epistle and Gospel for the day, and the Ten Commandments in English, without any exposition or paraphrase whatsoever. The proclamation ad-giving some small offence, many things may be mits of the litany, the Lord's Prayer, and the creed, in English; but no public prayers were to be read in the Church but such as were appointed by law, till the meeting of the Parliament, which was to be upon the 23d of January.t

While the exiles were preparing to return home, conciliatory letters passed between them; those of Geneva desired a mutual forgiveness, and prayed their brethren of Arrow, Basil, Frankfort, Strasburgh, and Worms, to unite

Burnet's Hist. Ref., vol. ii., 376.

+ This proclamation was directed against the papists as well as the reformed: "for both," says Strype, "took their occasions to speak freely their minds in the pulpits."-Strype's Annals, vol. i., Appendix, p. 3. Camden's Eliz., p. 6.

+ Burnet's History of the Reform., vol. ii., p. 376Strype's Ann., vol. i., p. 103-105.

378.

suffered under this colour, that they will be continued but for a little while, and yet afterward it will scarce be possible, by all the endeavours that can be used, to get them removed, at least not without great strugglings." The letter seems to be written with a prophetic spirit; Masters laid it before the queen, who read it all over, though without effect. Letters of the same strain were written by the learned Bullinger, Peter Martyr, and Weidner, to the Earl of Redford, who had been some time at Zurich; and to Jewel, Sandys, Horn, Cox, Grindal, and the rest of the late exiles, pressing them vehemently to act with zeal and courage, and to take care in the first beginnings to have all things settled upon sure and sound foundations.

Annals, vol. i., p. 129.

+ Burnet's Hist. Ref., vol. iii., p. 276.

The exiles, in their answers, seem resolved to follow their advices, and make a bold stand for a thorough reformation; and if they had done so, they might have obtained it. Jewel, in his letter of May 22, 1559, thanks Bullinger for quickening their zeal and courage; and adds, they were doing what they could, and that all things were coming into a better state." In another, of April 10, "he laments the want of zeal and industry in promoting the Reformation; and that things were managed in so slow and cautious a manner, as if the Word of God was not to be received on his own authority." In another, of November 16, "he complains of the queen's keeping a crucifix in her chapel, with lighted candles; that there was worldly policy in this, which he did not like; that all things were so loose and uncertain with them, that he did not know whether he should not be obliged to return back to Zurich. He complains of the popish vestments, which he calls the relics of the Amorites, and wishes they were extirpated to the deepest roots. The like complaints were made by Cox, Grindal, Horn, Pilkington, and others, but they had not the resolution to persevere had they united counsels, and stood by one another, they might at this juncture have obtained the removal of those grievances which afterward occasioned the separation.

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and as it revives King Edward's laws, it repeals
a severe act made in the late reign for punish-
ing heresy,* and three other old statutes men-
"Moreover, all persons
tioned in the said act.
in any public employs, whether civil or ecclesi-
astical, are obliged to take an oath in recogni-
tion of the queen's right to the crown, and of
her supremacy in all causes ecclesiastical and
civil, on penalty of forfeiting all their promotions
in the Church, and of being declared incapable
In short, by this
of holding any public office."
single act of the supremacy, all that had been
done by Queen Mary was in a manner annulled,
and the external policy of the Church restored
to the same foot as it stood at the death of King
Edward VI.

Farther: "The act forbids all writing, printing, teaching, or preaching, and all other deeds or acts whereby any foreign jurisdiction over these realms is defended, upon pain that they and their abettors, being thereof convicted, shall for the first offence forfeit their goods and chattels; and if they are not worth twenty pounds, suffer a year's imprisonment; spiritual persons shall lose their benefices, and all ecclesiastical preferments; for the second offence they shall incur the penalties of a præmunire; and the third offence shall be deemed high trea

son.'

To return to the Parliament. The court took There is a remarkable clause in this act, such measures about elections as seldom fail which gave rise to a new court, called the Court of success; the magistrates of the counties and of High Commission. The words are these: corporations were changed, and the people, who "The queen and her successors shall have powwere weary of the late persecutions, were as- er, by their letters patent under the great seal, sisted, and encouraged to exert themselves in to assign, name, and authorize, as often as they favour of such representatives as might make shall think meet, and for as long time as they them easy; so that when the houses met, the shall please, persons, being natural-born submajority were on the side of the Reformation.jects, to use, occupy, and exercise, under her The temper of the house was first tried by a bill to restore to the crown the first-fruits and tenths, which Queen Mary had returned to the Church. It passed the Commons without much opposition, February 4th, but in the House of Lords all the bishops voted against it.* By another act they repealed some of the penal laws, and enacted that no person should be punished for exercising the religion used in the last year of King Edward. They appointed the public service to be performed in the vulgar tongue. They empowered the queen to nominate bishops to the vacant bishoprics by congé d'elire, as at present. They suppressed the religious houses founded by Queen Mary, and annexed them to the crown; but the two principal acts passed this session were the acts of supremacy, and of uniformity of common prayer.

Provided that they

and them, all manner of jurisdiction, privileges,
and pre-eminences, touching any spiritual or
ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the realms of
England and Ireland, &c., to visit, reform, re-
dress, order, correct, and amend all errors, her-
esies, schisms, abuses, contempts, offences, and
enormities whatsoever.
have no power to determine anything to be her-
esy but what has been adjudged to be so by the
authority of the canonical Scripture; or by the
first four general councils, or any of them; or
by any other general council, wherein the same
was declared heresy by the express and plain
words of canonical Scripture; or such as shall
hereafter be declared to be heresy by the high
court of Parliament, with the assent of the cler-
gy in convocation."‡

*The repeal of this act, it may not be improper to observe, operated in favour of those only who denied the essential and disseminating tenets of popery. It was a necessary step, when government was about to establish a reformation which would subvert the But it did not proceed from any just notions of the rights of conscience; and, as it appears in the course of this reign, still left. those who went beyond the limits fixed by the new establishment exposed to the heaviest penalties.† Strype, p. 69. Rapín, p. 237. ED.

The former is entitled an act for restoring to the crown the ancient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical and spiritual, and for abolishing foreign power. It is the same for substance with the twenty-fifth of Henry VIII., already mentioned, but the Commons incorporated sev-reception of those tenets. eral other bills into it; for, besides the title of supreme governor in all causes ecclesiastical and temporal, which is restored to the queen, the act revives those laws of King Henry VIII. and King Edward VI. which had been repealed in the late reign. It forbids all appeals to Rome, and exonerates the subjects from all exactions and impositions heretofore paid to that court;

* Strype, p. 67.

1 On this statute Mr. Justice Blackstone remarks, that "a man continued still liable to be burned for what, perhaps, he did not understand to be heresy, till the ecclesiastical judge so interpreted the words. of the canonical Scriptures." To this a late writer justly adds: "And even at this day, whoever, of the sectaries not tolerated, shall dare to interpret the

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