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never tasted of hunger. Again, if thou wert married, and thy wife should see her neighbours go finer than she, and should complain, and thou not be able to supply her, would it not be a great trouble and vexation of spirit to thee to hear the clamours of thy dear consort? The next motive is the folly and indiscretion, that men would justly accuse you of, that, when it is in your power to make use of your time, you should be such wood-cocks-combs as to refuse it. The conveniencies arising are, first, the respect of men; secondly, the respect of women; and, thirdly, the certain gain and profit, which have always belonged unto us. For, if you make use of your time, men will respect you, worship you, and place you uppermost at their meetings, while you sit a-straddle upon their consciences, as Balaam rid upon his ass, without the least wincing, or contradiction at all. The women will feast you, and cram not only your bellies, but your purses; nor shall there be a good bit eaten at the table of their husbands, of which you shall not partake, to the great envy of the wicked. When you come down sweating from your pulpits, they will put you into warm beds, and rub over your weary limbs with their soft and tender hands; and, my beloved, these are precious. I say, precious enjoyments. Therefore I shall conclude, in the words of my text, Let us, while we live, make use of our time, taking for our pattern the life and manners of our deceased brother here before us; of whom, that I may make him a short encomium, I shall say thus much: That, from his youth, he followed the calling of the ministry; and, because then the wicked prevailed, and he was a sufferer, he went about, giving consolation to those that suffered for theft, and such-like criminal offences. Afterwards he travelled, and, as he found occasion, sowed his seed, sometimes in fruitful, sometimes in barren soils; and I may say this of him, that, while he lived, such was his zeal, he laid many a whore of Babylon on her back. When the faithful began to exalt their horns in this nation, he was a great fomenter of the quarrel, and gave occasion to the rest of his brethren to fish in troubled waters. To his prince he was a great assistance in all his designs, laying aside that notional impediment of a statesman, called Conscience, that he might, be the more serviceable to his country. His charity was not unknown, he giving two notable examples thereof, in his relieving our two dear sisters, the butcher's wife and Mrs. Littleton, in both their afflictions. He died not without associates to accompany him to his last rest; for, as I am informed, on that night, that he departed, departed also a dear brother and sister of our's, the hang-, man and Moll Cutpurse. He was at first unwilling to die, knowing what comforts he left behind him; but, seeing there was no remedy, he leaned his head on the pillow, and peaceably yielded up the ghost, When Tyribazus, a noble Persian, was arrested, at the first he drew his sword and defended himself; but, when they charged him in the king's name, then he yielded himself willingly. So, when death arrested our dear brother, at first he started and struggled, as a man shrinks at his first putting his feet into the cold.

water; but, when he recollected his thoughts, and considered, that death was sent to him as a messenger to bring him to eternity, he embraced it; and he went to his long home as willingly, as a young bride goeth from her friends into the country with her newmarried spouse. And thus, having tired your patience, before which time we never use to make an end, I shall conclude, still desiring you not to forget the example of our departed brother, and the words of my text: Let us, while we live, muke use of our time; for the life of man is ended in a day.

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London: Printed in the year 1659. Quarto, containing eight pages.

I. WHETHER it be not convenient that the doctrine of

Copernicus, who held that the world turns round, should be established by act of parliament, which our late changes, alterations, and revolutions, in part have verified; and that Tycho Brache, with the gang of the contrary opinion, be adjudged heterodoxal; and that from henceforth it be enacted, that what persons soever do profess, publish, or hold-forth any other tenent contrary thereunto, be adjudged Anathema, Maranatha, and that publick thanks be given to Vincent Wing, for the great pains he took in the composure of that excellent piece called Harmonicon Cœleste?

II. Whereas it is humbly conceived fit by Machiavel and his pupils, that all the gangrened members of the body politick be cut off, lest putrefaction of the whole should ensue: It is therefore worthy the consideration, whether it be not expedient to employ an ambassador to the man in the moon, to procure habitations for our new courtiers (greater antipodes to the present government, than the old constant cavaliers?) And, for the better effecting thereof, it is deemed necessary, that the great clerk, Doctor Wilkins, warden of Wadham college in Oxon, in regard he hath the greatest knowledge in that new plantation, be desired, with all speed, to provide his winged chariot for their convenient carriage,

and that he undertake the employment of a coachman to conduct them thither.

III. But if that design fail, whether it be not expedient to ship them all for Oceana, and that Mr. Harrington, our famous modern Columbus, discoverer of that floating terra incognita, be desired to be the pilot to conduct them thither; who for his pains deserves to be made Knight of the Sun, and that, in a grateful remembrance of his good service, it should always be called after his name, viz. Harringtonia?

IV. Whether it be not convenient, or rather necessary, to call all persons to an account, that have any way contributed their assistance for the establishing of the late deceased tyrant, as chief magistrate of this commonwealth? And whether any person or persons, who have any way abetted him, and endeavoured to cons firm him in his tyranny, or acted under him in any places of trust, or power, or sat in any parliament, or convention, summoned by his writ, be fit to be intrusted with any office in the commonwealth, as it is now settled?

V. Whether it be not a great contempt of the law cnacted by this parliament, that made it treason for any one person to aim at the sole government of this commonwealth, to suffer such person to go unpunished, in despight of the said law? And, whether it be not prudence to have such person brought to condign punishment, that hath transgressed that law, to terrify others for the future, from making the like attempt?

VI. Whether those apostate officers of the army, that were active, and grand instruments in suspending and disturbing this session of parliament, as well as secluding, imprisoning, and unjustly detracting several members of the same parliament before, that were eminent assertors of the people's liberties, against tyranny and oppression, conscientious propagators of the gaspel, and establishers of the fundamental, municipal law of the land, and valiant champions of the true old cause: And, by their declaration of August 22, Anno Dom. 1653; as also by a Pasquil called, The true State of the Commonwealth, An. 1654, declared this session of parlia ment to be actually and finally dissolved from being any more a parliament, by an extraordinary providence, but also branded the members thereof ignominiously for a corrupt party, carrying on their own ends, to perpetuate themselves as supreme authority, never answering the ends which God and his people expected from them, exercising arbitrary power, and swallowing up the ancient liberties, and properties of the people, and to perpetuate their miseries, vexations, and oppressions, through the multitude of unnecessary laws, and ordinances, concerning their own particular interest, as they there at large remonstrated, be fit persons to have any employment, either military or civil, within this commonwealth?

VII. Whether a weather-cock, a king fisher, a pliant willow, a piece of wax capable of all impressions, a time-server, a Persian still sacrificing to the rising sun, a lord president, under the late

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tyrant, of his high court of injustice; a man, that hath made jus tice quick-sighted, and redeemed it from blindness, be a fit keeper of the commonwealth's conscience?

VIII. Whether a hot-brain'd parrot, that multiplies words without matter; a new courtier, an apostate from his first principles and the good old cause, as appears by a speech he made in the last parliament in the behalf of R. C. be fit to be restored to his place of attorney-general for South-Wales?

IX. Whether pride and arrogancy, one who is of yesterday, and knows nothing; a clerk, or barrister of nine years standing; in his heart a quaker, yesterday a protectorian, this day a republican, to-morrow what you please; a favourer of levellism, and one that is not constant in any thing but inconstancy (save only in the opinion, that there are no witches, nor can deserve death, though an act of parliament be made to that end) be fit to be a judge in Wales?

X. Whether a debaucher of both the protectors, an oppressor of his country, a persecutor of the godly; one, that sacrilegiously robbed God's house, to build himself sumptuous palaces, and hath purchased five-thousand pounds per annum; who never fought, nor drew a sword in anger, be fit to sit in that venerable assembly of the commonwealth's representatives? or whether it be not fitter for him to be rejected, and his estate sold to pay just publick debts?

XI. Whether it be lawful for an ignorant scribbler to vent his pettish humour, malice, and reproaches against those persons, who, in the seat of judicature, have behaved themselves upright, just, and honest, and done the commonwealth singular good service, during both the late protectors governments?

XII. Whether levellers, dippers, independants, presbyterians, jesuits, donatists, manichees, pelagians, enthusiasts, schismaticks, hereticks, hypocrites, devils incarnate; yea, whatever the present power will have them to be, of any religion, of all religions, of none at all; the true orthodox and learned divines ordeals; knaves, fools, yea favourers of their brethren learned in the same faculties, and Telenus's house of correction in a mercurial new-found land, be fit persons to be intrusted with the power over the consciences of honest and religious men? And whether some of them, that are so well acquainted with the mysterious art of bribery and simony, and such Simon Magus, as, by the knack of registry, hath increased his estate, from a parsonage of one-hundred pounds per annum, to twelve-hundred pounds per annum land of inheritance, ought not, in justice and prudence, to be called to an account; and their estates, acquired by the ruins of the church and several poor ministers, to be sold, towards the payment of arrears due to the poor bankrupted common soldiers, that suffer hunger and want, while such enjoy the streams of Tagus in their coffers?

XIII. Whether it be not a matter of dangerous consequence to permit a crop-eared pettifogger, a reviler of the saints, a constant opposer of powers, an unwearied scribbler, a demoniack possessed

with a legion of hellish fiends, the spirit of contradiction to publish a scandalous libel against the good old cause and the defenders thereof, in such a juncture of time, wherein most spirits are factious, and apt to take fire, like tinder, at the least spark of encouragement dropping from a fiery pen?

XIV. Whether a Plagiarius, a Demetrius, a jailer of our liberties, and one who, in the last assembly, was in a probability to suffer for his unparalleled crimes, be fit to be trusted with the command of the most important place of the nation? And whether it be not necessary to expose him to the sword of justice, who hath so much abused the sword of the commonwealth?

XV. Whether it will not be wisdom to look back to the occasion of the late bloody and unhappy war, and gradually to the prosecutions thereof, and the end that was proposed at the beginning; and when the continuance of the medium conducing to that end was everted; and then to return to the place where passion capti vated reason, and there to build a happy government upon the basis of the true old cause, according to the first principles that were owned by all good people?

XVI. Whether it be not the purest and safest kind of free state, to have a free parliament elected annually, or twice a year, as it was before the conquest, and after many years, without restraint on the wills of the free people of the nation; which parliament may constitute and elect a senate, that shall act according, and subject to the law of the land, in the interval of parliament, and so to be elected from year to year by each parliament; which parliaments, being the free people of England's representatives, ought not to be restrained, or curbed, by any sort of court convention, or council enjoying co-ordinate power, for that will be to abolish the grand inconvenience of one negative voice so much brayed against, and to set up a monstrous hydra of negatives (for great care ought to be taken to preserve unity in a republick, which lieth most obnoxious to popular commotions, and factions) [the epidemical disease of this schismatical age:] And further, that such men may be elected for representatives in parliament councils, and senates, as be wise, honest, prudent, and religious; and not factious sectaries, or such as wear both law, equity, reason, and religion in their scabbards, and father all their prodigious wilful and exorbitant actions on providence?

XVII. Whether the army's declaration, and seclusion of the parliament in 1653, were an absolute dissolution of that session; and, whether the people making new elections by virtue of O. P. his writ, and also most of the members of the said parliament owning the said elections to be legal by their endeavours to be elected, and sitting by vertue of such election, was a confirmation thereof; and moreover, whether they can be remitted to their ancient right, by getting possession without the concurrence of an ancient remediable right, which is absolutely necessary to work a remitter?

XVIII. Whether it consists with policy and national prudence

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