WI QUERY 1. HETHER there be any power or authority by kings or protectors, with parliament or parliaments alone, or a free state so called; and what other government soever be more jure divino, than another? And the reason of this query is this: Because no one government, but hath been as beneficial a government to the people as the other: And there is nothing in any new-devised way of rotation, which, in itself, is scemingly rational, but whether other governments are not every way as rational, and freer from inconveniences in the practice of it, than the other, and far more, if well considered? 2. Whether the late protector was not proclaimed, as protector and supreme magistrate, by the commanders in chief of the army, in the greatest solemnity imaginable; first, at the Exchange in London, Westminster, and, afterwards throughout England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the greatest testimonies of the soldiers good-will and liking, and of the people's reception and entertainment with a nemine contradicente? 3. Whether the officers and soldiers of the army afterwards, upon more serious deliberation, did not generally address themselves unto the protector as supreme magistrate, and so did further thereby oblige themselves, and, by such a kind of transaction, subjected themselves by way of the most solemn engagements unto him, as supreme magistrate? 4. Whether the people, from all quarters of the nation, did not, after the most solemn manner, address themselves likewise unto him, with the most cordial, zealous, and pathetical expressions, that it was possible, for a poor people, tired out with war and blood, to utter: thinking with themselves, that now they were arrived at the fair haven of peace and safety? And, withal, let this be considered also, that if an agreement of the people, so much talked of by some, be that which would be as a fundamental basis for a government to be settled upon; then, lo here it is. I think it may be said, without the least kind of presumption, that no prince, or king of England, or any other government, since this was a land, had a greater testimony, and witness, and agreement of the people, both religious and others, than this protector hath, having about four or five-hundred, thousand hands, and twice as many hearts besides? 5. Whether he was not acknowledged and recognised by the freest parliament chosen many years, as supreme magistrate? 6. Whether the Lord Fleetwood, Desborough, Lambert, Bury, Hewson, Cooper, &c. did not swear to be true to him as protector when they sat in parliament; and how hateful to God and men, yea, to the very heathens have such things been ? Ezek. xvii. 12, 13, 14, 15, speaking of the faith that the Hebrew kings had given to the Babylonians, "Shall he prosper, shall he escape that doeth such things? Or, shall he escape that breaks the covenant, and be 66 delivered?" Verse 16, "As I live, saith the Lord God, surely in the place where the king dwelleth that made him king, whose oath he despiseth, and whose covenant he brake, even with him in the midst of Babylon he shall die." Verse 18, Seeing he despiseth the oath, by breaking the covenant (when, lo, he had given his hand) and hath done all these things, he shall not escape." Philo. An oath is God's testimony of a thing in question? Austin. He that swears by a stone, if he swear falsly, is perjured; and afterwards saith, The stone heareth not thy words, but God punishes thy fraud. 7. Whether the late protector, for so it seems he must be called, ever gave any reason or ground at all, for these gentlemen to dethrone him, and to protest against him and his government? I could wish, and many thousands more, the reasons might be seen, for nothing hath passed or been observed by diligent observers and partners with you in the same cause, that might render him unlovely or unacceptable to any person whatsoever. However, if there be any grounds or considerations, that might induce the army to such a grand transaction as this; first, to reject and slight him, and then to give reasons, if there be any, is to hang a man first, and to try him afterwards? 8. But, if there be no substantial grounds, as it is presumed, there none can be, even as little as you may blame the sun for running his course, so harmless hath he been: Whether then there hath been, in any age, more unfaithfulness in justice, greater covenant-breakers, persons so rebellious, men that have rendered the blessed gospel of Christ and professors thereof more uncomely, than this generation hath done; let the world judge, for, indeed, they have already given their verdict in the case, which is more the pity. 9. Whether your invitation of the long-parliament, to return to their trust, be not a transparent figment? Who trusted them? The people. But the people since have delivered their trust clsewhere; for, when the late protectors did send out writs, the people might have staid at home, there were none forced to chuse, but freely they have elected others: And, if so be the free choice and election of the people make a parliament, and they are also free to chuse, as often the providence of God shall put opportunity into their hands, then it is very doubtful whether this be any other thing than only a parliament so called, the people having freely declared themselves otherwise. Obj. But if it be objected, that these gentlemen, with others, made a vote in the long-parliament, that they should not be dissolved, nor disturbed, until they themselves pleased or saw cause. Ans. It is a good way of arguing if it would serve, for if ten or more lords, or great men, should chuse stewards and trustees to manage their estates for the best advantage, as usually they do; and, after they felt and tasted the sweets of their trust, they should enter into a combination, and resolve and agree amongst them selves, that now, having the sole disposal of their lords estates, that they would not be put out of their stewardship, until they themselves pleased: Do you think that they that did thus trust these good stewards were obliged by their stewards resolution? Doubtless, no: But if, at any time afterwards, their lords should appoint other stewards, doubtless, they ought to officiate, and the others to shift for themselves, except they liked to entertain them the second time; and, whether this be not the present case in hand, and these as much a parliament as the other stewards, is the query. 10. Whether this parliament, if it needs must be so called, with seventy more gentlemen for a senate, be not like to infringe the people's rights, and give less satisfaction, than one single person with a parliament? The first reason is, this parliament of fifty or sixty, or the reabouts, and seventy more besides, have every one of them a long train; there is never a one but is a file-leader, that is, hath, at least, six or ten at his heels, to be provided for one way or other; and all hungry as hawks, ready to catch at any thing, and nothing will serve but the blood of the people, for they must be fed with something. 2. Reason. It is against the standing rules of reason, the professed principles of the army, for any power or authority to have the militia, and the command of the people's purses, which this parliament, or people, hath, which is both destructive and pernicious; though the command of the people's purse was never desired or practised by a single person; and, whether a government, settled by parliament, under one head, to execute the laws of the go.. vernment so made by parliament, be not more pleasing and rational than to have a body consisting of so many heads, which is monsterlike? The people, generally, doubtless, had rather have their laws executed by one person, which they love and honour, than to have a hundred, or a hundred and fifty men equal, or worse than themselves, to domincer over them, as it is too apparent they were accustomed to do: Besides, you will find, in case of any exorbitancy in a government, that one for his trust is sooner dealed with than many. 11. Whether the good old cause, so much talked of, be not gcnerally mistaken? For what is this cause so much magnified, but that which you have possessed and enjoyed as free in this protector's time, as in the long-parliament; nay, and more also by far? Now let us first enquire what it is: If first the basis of all our fierce and fiery contests with all sorts, as well the pulling out the longparliament themselves, as against the king and bishops, was not for liberty of conscience, and for a toleration of men of different minds in God's worship and service: Let every man examine the times, the army's declarations, and the course of things every year since the first beginning, and you will find the kindle-coal of all differences was in this, that sometimes prelacy, and then presby tery, both in England and Scotland, had an itch to be beating their fellow-servants; and, to ward the dint of their blow, presently we still betook ourselves to our arms; if you will say the liberties of the people was a part and a principal one too: It is true it was, I believe, not only pretended, but intended also: But the people are the most proper judges; he, that is beaten, is best able to judge of the blows; and he that is diseased of the gout, or the like, he is most sensible of the ease, when he hath it; so the people, if their verdict may pass, whether the executive power in this protector, or in committees of parliament, be best; it is too apparent, if the people, whose servants these gentlemen pretend to be, might speak and be heard, they would neither give them meat, drink, nor lodging for their work, but would be as bad as a high court of jus. tice I fear. PLEA FOR LIMITED MONARCHY See Vol. I. P. 20. AWAKE O ENGLAND: OR, THE PEOPLE'S INVITATION TO KING CHARLES. Being a Recital of the Ruins over-running the People and their Trades; With an opportune Advice to return to Obedience of their Kings, under whom they ever flourished. Navita de ventis, de tauris narrat arator; "Let mariners observe the winds, and painful ploughmen till their grounds; And so God save all who cry, London: Printed for Charles Prince, and are to be sold at the east end of St. Paul's, MDCLX. WE VE plebeians assuming the name, not of a house, but of a kingdom of commons, having, for twenty years, stood fearfully staring (like our innocent sheep at the barking and howling of dogs and wolves) not daring to tune our pipes of pastime, which to us and them were much more acceptable musick than the shrieking trumpets and affrighting drums, that, like thunder, warn us to our cottages, as in prevention of a storm. We, who have been robbed of that rich treasure, our liberty, and of that honest freedom, whereby we drew our wholesome country air with safety, more natural to us than parliamentary pills or military lances, even we also find ourselves to be in the condition of our poor rustick neighbour, who hearing herself abused, and in danger to be ruined by her knavish and corrupted lawyer, cried out to the judge, that, in bearing ten children, she felt not so much pain as at that time she did to hold her peace, whilst she was wrongfully divested of her livelihood; therefore, our silence breaks forth. But our case is far worse, for ours is already gone, even all the substance that we had; and being much against our will wasted (not, like prodigals, upon harlots, who, nevertheless, would have shewed some remorse towards them they had ruined). Our lot is rather like theirs, who, having fallen into the merciless hands of thieves and pyrates, are left wounded and stripped, yet not at all regarded by our hard-hearted landlords, or by our leech-like lawyers, nor yet by our uncharitable clergy, who load us with duty to death, and for example are the first that fly from the trial. Even we plebeians, beholding ourselves to be the moral of that emblem which presents the prelate praying for all, and the lawyer pleading for all, and the soldier fighting for all, and the countryman feeding all, have sadly found that we only, the despised peasants, have dearly paid for all; therefore (if losers have leave to speak) let no man censure us, if we, being brought to the hog's ordinary, to beg the husks of them who devoured the kernels and substance of our food, be yet denied that relief; that we, remembering when we bore obedience to our pious princes, and enjoyed a heavenly Father who provided for us, do now return to him and to our gracious king, his lawful deputy, and, with unfeigned repentance and humility, cry out, saying, "O heavenly Father, O earthly divine Sovereign, we, even we, have sinned and rebelled against heaven and against thee, and are no more worthy to be called thy sons; make us yet thy servants, O God, and O King, that so, our timely repentance finding thy gracious pardon, we may become thy sons again." We now behold ourselves to be as the brutes in the wilderness, and hoping our lions, who by their power, and by the subtlety of their fox-like adjutants, have made themselves beastial kings over us, would, indeed, relieve and feed us according to their promises and our wants, do, on the contrary, find and feel, that, instead of help, our hunger is increased; instead of the liberty which they proclaimed, we languish in prisons, so that for the showers of joy (after which we have long gaped) our hearts are filled with heavi ness, and our tongues utter only lamentations. The oil and honey, promised us by Oliver, is turned into gall and bitterness; Lambert's free quarterings have licked up the little that was left in our cruses; Lawson hath lost the honour of our seas; and we who have so long feared and disclaimed, and cursed the papists, are now forced and glad to fly to a monk for safe, guard, whom, nevertheless, we worthily bless; we worship him with our bodies, and endow him with our own and others worldly goods, yea, we willingly would espouse him also, did not his order forbid him to marry kingdoms; however, we will honour him as our Joseph, for his wisdom and courage in preventing us from devouring each other, as undoubtedly that famine, which we foresce, and he most prudently endeavours to prevent, would bring. upon us. |