mind who should be their chief executive officer. The people unanimously turned their eyes on the late commander-in-chief, as the most proper person to be their first president. Unam. bitious of any increase of honors, he had retired to his farm in Virginia, and hoped to be excused from all further public service. But his country called him by an unanimous vote to fill the highest station in its gift.

507. That pure and upright zeal for his country's welfare, which had uniformly influenced him to devote his time and talents to its service, again impelled him to relinquish the more pleasing scenes of retirement, and induced him once more to engage in the important concerns of public life. The intelligence of his election was communicated to him while he was on his farm in Virginia: he soon after set out for New-York: on his way thither, every expression of respect, that a grateful people could bestow, was shown him. Gentlemen of the first character and station, attended him from state to state. A day was fixed, soon after his arrival at New-York, for his taking the oath of office.

508. In the morning of the day appointed for this purpose, the clergy, of different denominations, assembled their congregations in their respective places of worship, and offered up prayers for the president and people of the United States. About noon, a procession, followed by a multitude of citizens, moved from the president's house to Federal Hall. When they came within a short distance of the hall, the troops formed a line on both sides of the way, through which the president and vicepresident, John Adams, passed into the senate chamber. Im. mediately after, accompanied by the members of both houses, he went into the gallery fronting Broad-street, and before them and an immense crowd of spectators, took the oath prescribed by the constitution; which was administered by R. R. Livingston, chancellor of the state of New-York.

509. During the performance of this ceremony, a profound silence prevailed. The chancellor then proclaimed him, Presi dent of the United States of America. This was announced by the discharge of thirteen guns, and by the joyful acclamations of near 10,000 citizens. Washington then retired to the senate chamber, where he delivered a speech to both houses; near the conclusion of which he signified his intention of declining all pecuniary compensation.

510. This memorable day completed the organization of the constitution. The experience of former ages, as well as of later times, has given many melancholy and fatal proofs, that

popular governments have seldom answered in practice. But the inhabitants of the United States have made the experiment: that they may succeed to the end of time, in asserting the dignity of human nature, and a capacity of self-government, is devoutly to be wished.'

511. The appointment of general Washington to the presidency of the United States, was peculiarly fortunate; he possessed such a commanding influence in the minds of the great bulk of the people, arising from a sure and well-placed confidence in his patriotism and integrity; that they with cheerfulness acquiesced in all his measures for the public welfare; notwithstanding, that during his administration, Great Britain and France were involved in a ruinous war, and there were many politicians in America, in favor of the latter, who would gladly have made a common cause with her against Great Britain; yet the firmness and sagacity of Washington prevented the threatened evil.

512. Genet, the ambassador from France, openly, and in defiance of the government of the United States, attempted to commission American citizens to arm and fit out vessels, to cruise against British subjects: but the president's proclamation, enjoining a strict neutrality, was sanctioned by the great body of the people; and the insolent ravings of Genet were taken no further notice of, than to furnish the different states with a fresh opportunity of expressing their continued approbation and confidence in the measures of Washington's administration.

513. When the term of his appointment as president had expired, he intimated to his friends his intention to return once more to his loved seclusion: he had even contemplated his farewell address, and was preparing to retire from the weight of public cares, when his countrymen, apprehensive for the public safety, in so critical a moment, united to implore him to desist from a resolution so alarming to their fears. Their interposition prevailed, and he again entered upon the arduous task, to the manifest satisfaction of every honest American; but what made the task sit more easy upon him, was the assistance of eminent men in the executive department.

514. The names of Adams, Hamilton, Pickering, Wollcott, and others, are names, which will long be remembered with gratitude by posterity, when the envenomed tongue of detraction will be no more. In 1796, in the month of September, a new election was to take place, when the public was anxiously desirous, that general Washington would again accept the first office in their gift; but his unalterable resolution was taken, to

recede from the toils of state. His FAREWELL ADDRESS contains such prudent and sound advice to his fellow-citizens, as shows that his country's welfare was still dear to his heart.

"FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,

"The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with the important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.

"I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the consid erations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interests; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

"The acceptance of and continuance hitherto, in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been an uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disre gard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to this, previous to the last elec. tion, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.

"I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the senti ment of duty or propriety and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

"The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, with the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives of diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me, as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary; I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

"In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgement of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved

country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the stedfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected.

"Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained: that its administration, in every department, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

"Here, perhaps, I ought to stop; but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

"Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The UNITY of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes, and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively, though often covertly and insidiously directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every

attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

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For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citi. zens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together: the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and

successes.

"But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

"The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agricul ture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, finds its particular navigation invigor. ated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the pro gressive improvement of interior communications, by land and water, will find more and more, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort; and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation.-Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

"While then every part of our country thus feels immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resources, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of inestimable value, they must derive, from Union, an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter.-Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty; in this sense it is that your Union ought to be considered as a