doing something about the problem on a much larger scale in the future than we have done in the past. Some of the things which might be done during the war are suggested in the following list of recommendations. SOME RECOMMENDATIONS The basic problem with which this report is concerned-the low educational and cultural status of a large proportion of our population-is not one which has suddenly arisen, rather it is a condition of long standing. Our failure as a nation to effect a basic solution of the problem, our lethargy in the face of a situation which clearly reduces our effectiveness as a people, may be attributed to a number of conditions. First. The American people have not yet developed a clear-cut concept of the essential unit of the Nation, are not clearly aware of the fact that a weakness of a section of the country, or a population group, constitutes a weakness of the whole. While people will recognize and, in a measure, discharge their responsibility to the children of their own community or their own State, for example, they lack the feeling that the welfare of a child in Georgia is a concern of the citizen of California. There has been, as a result, no urgent popular demand for the equalization or an effective distribution of educational and cultural opportunities. Second. The Federal Government, in its legislative and executive branches, has consistently refused to approve legislation to assist the States to maintain adequate schools for general education. There have been a variety of excuses offered for this failure, among them the concept of State's rights, the fear of Federal control of schools, the reluctance of the wealthier States to contribute to the schools of the poorer States, an unwillingness to upgrade the educational facilities for Negroes and other underprivileged groups, the failure to agree on the support of governmental responsibility in the case of church-supported schools. Legislation affecting Federal aid to education continues to be rejected by Congress in session after session, despite the efforts of the National Education Association and many other organizations, nor does it receive, apparently, the vigorous backing of the President. Third, State and local school systems, in the main, have not been disposed to include the education of adults as an integral part of the public-school services. Historically, in this country formal education has been conceived to be a process chiefly for children, and as a result there have been few effective programs of adult education. Fourth, and as a result of the preceding conditions, there are few teachers who have had special training in adult education and few institutions of higher, education where this type of teacher training can be obtained. These conditions must be overcome before any adequate program of education, and particularly adult education, is possible; and any effective attack on the problem will require the cooperative action of many agencies and individuals. The following statements, in which recommendations for the implementation of a program are implicit, envisage a long-term educational program which will contribute to the elimination of adult illiteracy and enhancement of the social effectiveness of subcultural population groups. It should be emphasized that, although the present study is concerned primarily with selectees who are below a minimum level of literacy, our concept of adult education includes a much broader scope than simply the removal of illiteracy. We are here regarding adult education as including instructional procedures, not only to improve literacy but also to improve the effectiveness of adults in home and family life, in health, in recreation, in vocational competency, in civic participation. We are regarding adult education procedures to include not only formal classroom instruction but also forums, discussion groups, the people's college, motion pictures, institutes, and the like. Basic to all of this is the point of view that the ultimate goal of a program should be not simply the improvement of educational offerings, but the creation of a social order in which all persons, irrespective of class, race, or geographical location, may have adequate opportunity for development. The role of the Federal Government It has been shown in this study, as in numerous other studies, that the matter of unequal educational facilities in the several States is a national problem." 37 See especially Floyd W. Reeves (Chairman), Report of the President's Advisory Committee on Education. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1938. The financial inability of many States to support a minimum defensible educational program makes it imperative that the Federal Govcernment assist these States to establish such a program. Indeed, this is the most important single step that needs to be taken, for, without sufficient money, no effective program is possible. 1. The Congress of the United States should immediately make provision for a sufficient amount of financial assistance to the States as will enable them to establish and maintain adequate elementary and secondary schools, colleges, and teacher-training institutions, and programs of adult education. Such legislation should of necessity include safeguards to assure an equitable distribution of State and Federal funds among Negro and white schools in those States having racially separate schools. 2. The Congress should meet an emergency need by providing funds for the establishment, within the States, of programs for the compulsory educational training of men rejected by the military services on account of educational deficiency. The role of the States It is the function of the State to assure the optimum functioning of the schools within the State, and to provide the leadership in upgrading the quality of the schools. 1. The State should consider as its first obligation that of providing a sufficient amount of money to maintain at least a minimum defensible level of educational opportunity in each school district within its borders. The State aid program should operate to distribute State funds-and Federal funds, if any-equitably between rural and urban schools and between white and Negro schools.. The program should include safeguards which would make impossible the present practice of some school districts of spending for the education of white children funds allocated on the basis of the Negro population. States which maintain separate schools for whites and Negroes should assure the equality of these schools. This would involve the equalization of the salaries of white and Negro teachers, school terms, physical facilities, transportation, and the like. The financial concern of the State should extend and include institutions of higher education and programs of adult education. 2. The State should extend the program of public instruction to include an adequate and comprehensive program of adult education. The adult education program, especially as it relates to the removal of illiteracy, should be geared both to immediate and to long-term needs. Programs for the rehabilitation of men rejected by the military service for intelligence reasons should be established at once. The foundations of a long-range program, looking toward eradication of illiteracy and improvement of the physical, social, and economic level of the population, should now be laid. Both the immediate and long-range programs should utilize the pedagogical principles and practices validated by the Army program for the salvaging of educationally deficient men. STATEMENT OF JERE A. WELLS, SUPERINTENDENT OF FULTON COUNTY SCHOOLS, ATLANTA, GA. Mr. WELLS. I have a splendid editorial from the Atlanta Journal. It came out Tuesday of this week, endorsing this Federal aid bill that is now pending. I would like to insert it in the record. Senator FULBRIGHT. You may do that. [From the Atlanta Journal, January 30, 1945] TRAGIC PROOF A report by the State agricultural and industrial development board to the general assembly that 40 percent of the white schools and 95 percent of the Negro schools in Georgia are unfit for use is tragic proof of the need to equalize educational opportunities in the various States. It comes as a shocking reminder that now is the time to unite behind the new congressional drive for passage of the $300,000,000 Federal aid program for the Nation's public school system, spon sored in the Senate by Lister Hill, of Alabama, and Elbert Thomas, of Utah, and in the House by Georgia's Robert Ramspeck. The Federal aid bill is designed primarily to raise teacher salaries, but in obtaining such funds, Georgia would be in a better position to provide adequate school facilities to replace the pitiful fire-traps described by the State development board to the general assembly. There is not much point in providing better teaching facilities if there is no place to house pupils safely and comfortably, and if the lives of pupils are to be jeopardized by transportation in defective busses. Georgia will spend approximately half of her income in 1945 on education, teachers will receive better pay than before, thanks to Governor Arnall and to an enlightened and cooperative general assembly, but still only 44 percent of the schools for whites and 15 percent of the schools for Negroes meet the accepted standards for school buildings and equipment. It is not a very encouraging picture. We take hope from the growing recognition of our needs. Dr. John K. Norton, of Teachers College, Columbia University, after a 2-year survey of public school expenditures, told the Senate Committee on Education and Labor Monday that there is a shocking degree of inequality of educational opportunity in the United States, with 60 times as much financial support behind the education of children in some areas as in others. This should prove a telling argument for the Federal aid bill. But the most cheering sign of all is the local recognition of our problems. The development board has performed a signal service in its investigation of 97 percent of Georgia's schools to determine our actual needs. To win the battle, we must know the enemy thoroughly. Once we face the facts of our situation realistically, we shall be nearer a remedy. At this point, our best hope for early relief seems to lie in the direction of Federal aid. Georgia and States like her cannot progress satisfactorily until they have attained educational parity with the Nation. Senator FULBRIGHT. We will now adjourn until 2: 30 o'clock. (Whereupon, at 12:35 p. m. a recess was taken until 2:30 p. m. of the same day.) AFTERNOON SESSION Senator ELLENDER. The hearing will be in order. General Fries, step forward, please. STATEMENT OF MAJ. GEN. AMOS A. FRIES, UNITED STATES ARMY, RETIRED, DIRECTOR OF THE SOUTHERN-WESTERN REGION, FRIENDS OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF AMERICA General FRIES. My name is Amos A. Fries, major general, United States Army, retired, director of the Southern-Western region, Friends of the Public Schools of America, and editor of the bulletin, Friends of the Public Schools. I am appearing for and in the name of the Friends of the Public Schools of America in opposition to S. 181. Senator ELLENDER. What is that organization composed of? General FRIES. It is an organization with headquarters in Chicago, and it is organized as an organization in Chicago, Ill., operated on a national program for improving, protecting, and preserving the taxsupported free public schools. Senator ELLENDER. What is your membership? General FRIES. We haven't a great membership. Perhaps 1,000, maybe more, and maybe less. Senator JOHNSON. How do you get your membership? General FRIES. We do not make any special effort to get them. We are not organized as a pressure group in any way whatsoever. We are organized to try to dispense facts and arguments in support of our position. Senator ELLENDER. How do you maintain yourself? General FRIES. By donations, subscriptions to the magazine, and through memberships. Senator ELLENDER. Have you a prepared statement? General FRIES. Yes, but I have two or three other things to say outside of that. Senator ELLENDER. You may proceed. General FRIES. I just want to say, first, that the Friends of the Public Schools stand for a school system of the people, by the people, for the children of the people-patriotic, inspiring, with thorough training in the fundamentals, and taught by men and women of high character, religious ideals, and public spirit. We are opposed to centralization of power over the school system whether governmental, group, or class. We are opposed to supporting private schools by public tax money, whether religious or other wise. In some of the testimony given this morning mention was made of the plight of the teacher-training colleges. That is the plight of all the colleges. In the Times-Herald of yesterday, February 1, there is an article entitled, "Committee Report to House Urges Subsidies for Colleges." Part of the article states: Calling for Federal subsidization of war-stricken colleges, until soldiers and sailors can return to take advantage of their educational bill of rights, the House Committee on Education yesterday made 11 recommendations in an 85-page report. So I presume the teachers' colleges will have a chance to be taken care of there as well as the others. This bill, like the two immediately preceding bills, is entitled, "Educational Finance Act of 1945." The proponents have avoided in these last two bills any mention of the words "Federal aid to education,” either in the titles or anywhere in the bills themselyes. CHANGE FROM FEDERAL AID TO EDUCATIONAL FINANCE ACT MOST SIGNIFICANT The change in the title of these bills from "Federal Aid to Education" to "Educational Finance Act," taken together with the added words, "other school employees," indicates a radical change in the ideas of those sponsoring the bill. The addition of the words "other school employees" after "teachers" indicates that the bill is headed toward the entire financing of the public schools by the Federal Government. Indeed, the bill indicates a plan to make of the public schools of the United States one unified whole to include buildings, grounds and all equipment, teachers, and all other employees. This bill sets up a complete machine of control and operation of the public school system of the United States. If this be not the idea back of those words, what is it? We have never heard in the evidence given in support of any of these bills that the engineers, carpenters, repairmen, janitors, and scrubwomen in the various school districts were underpaid. In fact, they have always been considered the same as other employees serving the public and subject to the same wages. PRESIDENT'S STATEMENT ON FEDERAL AID Furthermore, this bill, in line with the last four previous ones, provides that every State will get money whether it be rich or poor, whether it has any financial need or not. In this respect it is totally at variance with the President's pronouncement both in a letter to the Conference on Rural Education held in the White House on the 4th, 5th and 6th of October 1944, and as contained in the Budget message to Congress. In the President's Budget message, he said: If a suitable standard of education is to be maintained in all parts of the country, the Federal Government must render aid where it is needed-but only where it is needed. That statement differs just 100 percent from this bill. S. 181 does not provide in any way whatsoever that any State, municipality, county, or even school district shall prove that it actually needs the money-that is, that it cannot afford to educate its children. WHO DECIDES AMOUNT OF EDUCATION, UNITED STATES OR STATE? Another question comes in right here, and that is who shall judge the amount of education that each child in the various States shall have. Shall it be the Federal Government, or shall it be the State, or the local school authorities? Inasmuch as this bill provides ostensibly, and ostensibly only, for equalization of educational opportunities, the Federal Government must have the right to state the amount of education each child shall receive. To that extent, which is a great deal, the Government of the United States steps in and controls the schools. BILLS MAY BE AMENDED FROM YEAR TO YEAR Now I do not need to tell this committee that any bill passed by Congress may be amended, altered, rewritten or changed in any way a succeeding Congress may see fit. Therefore, these bills are subject to amendments, extending the authority of the United States until the Government eventually takes over the complete financing of the schools, and these bills indicate that may be the idea of those writing them. If and when that time comes, the Government certainly will take over the regulation of the schools more or less completely. Those are just the general features. There are a number of provisos in this bill, as in other bills, that give the Federal Government considerable control over the schools, but I will refer to them later. NO FINANCIAL NEED Now let us consider the appropriation itself. According to the report accompanying S. 637 of last Congress, and this bill is the same in that respect, five States and the District of Columbia are said to have no financial need. That is, those six are financially able to bring their schools up to any standard they see fit. I would just add that these five States are New York, which gets $17,036,200; California, $9,119,400; Connecticut, $2,185,400; Delaware, $341,800; Nevada, $166,000; and the District of Columbia, $759,600. |