That the members

The long threatened motion, for an inquiry into the conduct of the government of Ireland, in relation to the events of the 23d of July, was, after many delays, brought forward on Wednesday last in the House of Commons, by Sir John Wrottesley; when it was decided, by a majority of 178 votes to 82, that no sufficient grounds had been established to authorise the proposed measure. of the old opposition should have supported the motion of the honourable Baronet, is natural and consistent; but that the same system of conduct should have been pursued upon this occasion by the GRENVILLES, the WINDHAMS, and the CANNINGS, must excite the indignation of every fair and candid mind.-For with what seinblance of propriety can those men now contend for inquiry, who uniformly and steadily opposed every attempt of a similar nature, during the course of their own violent and disastrous administration? So invariable, indeed, so constant and systematic was their conduct upon these occasions, that a determined resistance to all inquiry may justly be regarded as one of the standing maxims of their most unconstitutional government. The many sad and disastrous events which have so materially contributed to change the face of Europe-the ill-judged plan of operations in Flanders-the memorable occurrences at Toulon, at Ostend, at Quiberon, and afterwards in Holland, which form so many melancholy epochs in the history of their reign-not any, nor all of these gloomy and adverse events, were considered as affording sufficient ground for parliamentary inquiry; which, it was uniformly said, could only tend to cripple and embarrass the operations of government, at a crisis of the most unexampled difficulty and danger.

But if ever there was a period in which this observation would apply with peculiar and irresistible force, the present is decidedly of that description.

For what was the direct and immediate object of the honourable Baronet's motion? It was proposed that a committee should be appointed to investigate the measures of the present administration in Ireland, or, in other words, to sit in judgment on their conduct. But is there any person among us, is there any individual who understands and admires the free system of our laws and constitution, who can even for a moment contend, that this enquiry, so important in its nature and object, could have been conducted during the absence of the supposed delinquents, without trenching upon the most essential and revered form of British jurisprudence? What, then, must have been the immediate and necessary consequence of the adoption of the proposed measure? Evidently this-not only that the first magistrate of Ireland, but that all the principal members of that government, must, in this hour of danger, have abando ned their posts, and returned immediately to England, and that thus, at a period the most critical which ever occurred in the history of this country, a most important part of the empire, and the great object of the ambitious designs of the enemy, would either have been left without any superintending government, or a new administration for Ireland must immediately have been formed; so that, by a cruel anticipation, punishment would have been inflicted, without investigation, and without trial, in opposition to the clearest and most evident principles of fair and impartial justice. Nothing, then, but the fullest proof of the most supine negligence, of the most careless indifference to the welfare and security of the empire, could, in the opinion of any honourable and intelligent man, have justified so extraordinary a procedure.

But how widely different is the result of those facts which have been established in the course of this interesting debate. They prove, to demonstration, the falsehood and malevolence of the charges which have been preferred against the Irish government. They not only shew that preparations were made, to resist the feeble and ill-concerted designs of the rebels, but that those preparations were even much greater than the occasion required. The following rapid sketch of the events which accompanied the insurrection of the 23d of July, and which is formed from the statements made, by authority, in the House of Commons, will sufficiently evince the truth of this assertion.

Emmett, upon the death of his father, became possessed of a property amounting to about three thousand pounds; and he determined to make use of this money for the purpose of giving effect to those treasonable designs which he had long che rished in his rash and infatuated mind. Being thus possessed of sufficient pecuniary means, his project was in the first instance communicated to only seven confidential persons, who laboured in conjunction with their Chief in forwarding the necessary preparations. When these were nearly completed, a correspondence was opened with the disaffected in the County of Kildare; who dispatched delegates to Dublin, for the purpose of conferring with Emmett, and received the requisite information with respect to the nature and extent of the conspiracy. These confe rences were so little satifactory to the agents employed upon this occasion, that upon their return to Kildare, they discouraged their associates from taking any part in a measure which appeared to offer no reasonable prospect of success, and which, from their observation, must terminate in the certain destruction of those who should em bark in so rash and ill-judged an enterprize.

In the mean time, some indistinct rumours of these criminal projects reached the ears of Government. The extent of the conspiracy and the precise time in which the intended explosion was to take place could only be collected from inference and conjecture: for as the secret had been intrusted to only seven persons, it was evidently impossible to obtain, with regard to these points, any certain or correct information*.

As soon as Lord Hardwicke was informed of the designs of the conspirators, he sent a dispatch to the Commander in Chief, at Tullamore. General Fox, however, had unexpectedly altered his route, and returned suddenly to Dublin. Upon his arrival, he had a conference with the Lord Lieutenant; after which he made the necessary preparations for the security of the capital, and adopted such further measures as appeared, in his judgment, best calculated to frustrate the intentions of the rebels.

The garrison of Dublin consisted, at that time, of fonr regiments of infantry, and one regiment of cavalry; a force which, inclusive of the artillery, amounted to upwards of 4,000 men; and which must be considered, in the judgment of every military man, as much more than sufficient to disperse the largest tumultuary army that could, by any possibility, have been assembled in the streets of the capital. These troops were distributed among the eight barracks of the metropolis; which form so many well chosen military positions, and of which three are situated in the Liberty, where disturbance was most to be apprehended, and where the insurrection eventually burst forth.

Information was sent to the commanders of the artillery depots at the Pigeon House, at Island Bridge, and Chapelizod, of the intended insurrection; and, before the disturbance began, these positions were reported to the Commander in Chief as being in a state of complete security. The city guards, which usually amounted to between three and four hundred men, were immediately strengthened.

It was ordered, that, at the close of the day, fifty men should be added to the Bank guard, and an equal number to the force usually stationed at the Castle. An additional guard was sent to the Lodge at the Phonix Park, another to the Royal Hospital, and a third, to Kilmainham.-A reinforcement was also dispatched to Chapelizod, and a body of men were marched to the Powder Mills at Clandalkin. These precautions having been taken, the Commander in Chief waited for the movements of the conspirators. About nine o'clock, the disturbance commencedAbout four or five hundred persons, armed with pikes, assembled in Thomas Street, without order or discipline, and waited the commands of their leaders. In this s

* In order to criminate the Members of the 1rifh Government, the unprincipled agents of faction have had recourse to the most infamous calumnies, to the most barefaced and impudent falsehoods. They have repeatedly afferted that those perfons who communicated to Government the information which they had obtained with respect to the designs of the confpirators were received, with coldness and infult; and that Mr. Clark in particular, whofe intelligence appears to have been the most precife, was treated with indifference, and his fufpicions made a subject of the most contemptuous derifion. These statements, however, have been publicly contradicted by the parties themselves; and ample justice has in this refpect been done to the Members of an Administration which has been thus bafely calumniated and traduced. Mr. Clarke informs us, that he was received with every expreffion of civility and politeness: and that his communications were listened to in all their details with the moft ferious and marked attention.

tuation, before they could undertake any enterprise of importance, they were attacked by a handful of men, under the command of Lieutenant Brady and ano-` ther officer. They were dispersed in every direction-The leaders fled towards Wicklow; and, within half an hour after the first explosion, before the alarm could be generally given, this formidable rebellion was completely subdued.

Such, then, is the foundation for those charges of negligence and surprise which have been so repeatedly, but so falsely, urged against the Irish Government; and thus satisfactory has been the result of a debate, to which the agents and members of a mischievous faction have looked forward, with so much eagerness and impatience, in the malicious hope, that it might tend to criminate his Majesty's ministers, and to lower them in the esteem and confidence of the country.

ANALYSIS of the Motives and Operations of the Publication of the Correspondence of LORD REDESDALE, LORD FING ALL, AND DR. COPPINGER, and of the humble Remonstrance of PETER O'NEIL, continued.

After having shewn, in our last Number, that the publication of these documents tends only to the honour of those men whom it would disparage, and to the disgrace of those whom it would honour,-that, of LORD REDESDALE and the system of the present ADMINISTRATION, it proves benevolence and conciliation-of the GRENVILLES and THE WINDHAMS, cruelty, and the most unconstitutional seperities-of LORD FINGALL, no love of his country, no desire of harmonizing her differences, or soothing her distresses; but, on the contrary, all the animosity of Catholicism and the most scandalous and unqualified breach of confidence and of the Rev. DR. COPPINGER, hypocrisy and evasion. Having gone through these proofs, it only remains, according to our declaration, to expose the true spirit and system of rebellious inflammation that pervades the humble remonstrance of Mr. O'Neil, and to shew that his innocence is nei, ther proved by the humility of his address, nor is to be taken for granted from the mercy shewn him by Government.

But for the unbiassed consideration of the effects which the style and mutter of this remonstrance are calculated to produce, we shall grant, for a moment, that the innoçence of O'Neil is fully established, and that the pardon he received was a full and sufficient confirmation of it. What then, we are naturally led to ask, could have induced him to make such a remonstrance? If, in his own words, he❝ was liberated not through a pardon solicited, but on the merits of his case," where, we ask, was the necessity of his remonstrance, if to establish his innocence were his only object? Assuredly, were this the case, no such necessity could have existed! Confident, therefore, as he was of the merits of his case, there is but little humility displayed in dwelling upon these merits, his virtues, and his persecutions, supposing his vindication to have been thus rendered unnecessary. But there is yet stronger demonstration to be adduced that the mere vindication of his innocence was not his object-demonstration founded upon the very spirit and system of the remonstrance itself: for how is the disgusting minuteness of the detail of his persecutions," as he himself calls it, connected with the proofs of his innocence? Is it or can it be any

argument in his favour-" that after he was stripped and tied up, six soldiers stood "forth for the operation, some of them right-handed, some left-handed men? (As "he owns he judged only from the quickness of the lashes.") Or was it to exculpate himself, he proceeds to state that "after receiving two hundred and seventy"five lashes, so vigorously and deeply inflicted, that his back and the points of his "shoulders were quite bared of the flesh: because he had not yet shaken the trian66 gles: a display of feeling which, he says, was eagerly expected from him-to "accelerate that SPECTACLE, a wire cat was introduced, armed with scraps of tin or "lead. (As again he confesses only to have judged of from the effects.) That in "defiance of shame, his waistband was cut for the finishing strokes of that lácerating “instrument. That the very first lash, as it renewed all his pangs, and shot convul"sive agony through his entire frame, made him shake the triangles indeed!—That a "second infliction of it penetrated his loins, and tore them excruciatingly; and that "the third maintained the tremulous EXHIBITION long enough to satisfy the SPEC"TATORS.!!!" Good God! Is this dreadfully minute, and, as is evident from the interpolation of his surmises, this aggravated tale, dictated in the spirit of humility or in that of the vindication of his innocence? Is it to exculpate himself, or to accuse his enemies? Does it agree with his previous declaration of his forgiveness of them, which the pious priest declares not only "religion but common sense and * justice demanded of him?" Or is it not rather intended as a most highly finished picture of the sufferings of a martyr, painted to excite the feelings of those in whose cause those sufferings were endured? Can any one, indeed, be blind enough not to see the absurdity, nay, the impossibility, of affixing any other motive for the high-wrought pencilling of this humble publication, this minute detail of the most dreadful punishment borne with all humility by a Catholic Priest, and inflicted with all the aggravation of barbarity by PROTESTANTS? A punishment which he scruples not to describe as a spectacle-an exhibition gratifying and satisfactory to the spectators, -a band of Protestants, as he would insinuate, gathered together to revel in the agonies of a Catholic.-Such is the scene that the all-forgiving, the humble PRIEST has taken so much pains to describe-And can he dare to say, that such a statement is in anywise connected with the proofs of his innocence?-will he attempt to tell us, that, if to vindicate himself with Protestan's were his wish, as is pretended on the face of his petition, this was the course he had to pursue? Or will he, can he deny, that not to them, but to the catholics, he meant to address himself-that not to vindicate himself, but to excite his party to revenge his cause, was the passion that inspired it?

True or false, it is obvious the tale tends not at all to his exculpation-But false or true, none can deny that it is dictated in the spirit of the most rebellious inflammation, and in the true style of religious exasperation!!!+

Why justice if he was not conscious of guilt?

+ There is another horrible circumftance on which this man has dilated, and which, like others we have mentioned, can admit of no other interpretation than the defire of exafperating his party. Speaking of two Catholics who were hanging within view of the goal window, he fays, "their bodies "were fo bloody, that I imagined they wore red jackets."What, we afk, is the character of the mind that conceived and expreffed this idea? An idea, moreover, irrelevant to every thing, but to the de Sign of inflaming the minds of other Catholics