of internal evidence; for the objects proposed by these pretended instructions, are at once puerile and impracticable-The style, of most of the letters, betrays that they were not originally written by an Englishman; nor is the name of the person mentioned to whom they are said to have been addressed. Now, this correspondence never could have been detected, without its being very well known who was M. D. L.-and if this had been known, so far is there from being any reason for concealing it, that the declaration of it would, of all things, most forcibly have proved the authenticity of the correspondence. It is, indeed, now, pretended, that the real name of M. D. L, is MEHEE DE LA TOUCHE, Secretary to the Commune at Paris at the time of the September massacres in 1792, who at the period of the 18th Brumaire, was condemned as a jacobin, and sent to the Isle of Oleron, from whence he was to be transported to Cayenne. It is also said that he was the person who paid the Septembrizers their wages for the murder of Madame de LAMBALLE and the other prisoners. Whilst he was in the Isle of Oleron, some friend as Paris suggested to the French Government that he might be usefully employed in England. He was suffered to make his escape on board an American ship bound to England, and was furnished with money by the Consular Government.

If this story be true, it tends more than any thing to exculpate Mr. Drake, because there can be little doubt of the aptitude of MEHEE DE LA TOUCHE, for such a forgery, and very little probability of Mr. Drake's having any connection with such a man.

LOAN-Notice has been given that only sixteen millions will be borrowed for England and Ireland conjointly-four millions of which are for Ireland. This sum was so much less than was expected, that stocks rose immediately 2 per cent. upon the news. So small a loan, with our present establishment, cannot indeed fail to astonish a public used to the profusion of the late administration, and will convince them that the economy of the present ministers is not to be found alone in words and statements. But there is yet in reserve a stronger proof of this, and at the same time of the resolution of the present administration to render easy the burthens of war. We shall then see what these men have done for the country, and be assured that even if this be a protracted war of finance, England has nothing to fear!!!

OFFICIAL NOTE.-General Lasnes (the French Ambassador at Lisbon) having insisted on the Portuguese Government allowing to be inserted in the Lisbon Gazette, the scandalous calumnies respecting the British Government and ROYAL FAMILY, which appeared some time ago in the Moniteur, Lord Robert Fitzgerald immediately transmitted a very spirited note on the subject to the Viscount of Balsamao, Chief Secretary of State.

Printed by JAMES WHITING, FINSBURY PLACE, Published by J. PARSONS, Bookseller, Ludgate Hill; by CLEMENT, 201, Strand (to either of whom all Communications are requested to be sent) sold-and by A. HAMILTON, at his Musical Library, 221, Piccadilly; by E. KERBY, 2, Stafford Street, Old Bond Street; SEATON, 40, Oxford Street; THOMAS, 35, Old Bond Street; WOODHAM, opposite Chancery Lane, Holborn; PECK, Lombard Street; and by various Booksellers and Newsmen in Town and Country.

[PRICE NINE-PENCE.]

The Morning Chronicle, of the 9th and 10th instant, has presented its readers with two articles on the junction of parties, which, from their malicious artifice, indecency, and falsehood, merit the severest reprehension. It is well known, that the genuine principles of the British constitution, that loyalty, and public spirit, have been, for many years, banished from the columns of that infamous vehicle of imposture and sedition. I may, therefore, be suspected of committing an impropriety, by condescending to notice any of the miserable doctrines propounded in it. But, when I reflect upon the imperceptible degrees by which faction developes its flagitious projects-when I consider that poison may be successfully administered to the discreet, as well as to the incautious, I conceive it to be a point of moral obligation, to snatch the tainted chalice from the hand of iniquity-or, if the infected potion be already tasted by the victims of delusion, to afford a speedy and effectual antidote to its destructive progress. Hence, although I am compelled to relinquish, on a sudden, the course of that discussion which I had marked out in my former letter, yet it will be manifest on the most superficial examination, that, in violating the order of time, I have not departed from the nature of my subject-which is to expose, in their proper colours, the machinations and views of an execrable party, and to pro

voke the general indignation of the honest and faithful part of the community against its abettors-for we are all equally implicated in its discomfiture or success. If it fail we may rest assured, that the national honour will not be commuted for the gratification of personal advantages; our country will not be levelled to the degrading rank of a secondary power in the society of nations; or become a granary to be shared by the needy ambition of domestic spoilers. If it succeed, the throne of the most ancient royal house now remaining in Europe will totter beneath its illustrious possessor, and wE, his loyal subjects, must exchange our characteristic liberties and independence for the sway and insolence of corrupt and corrupting de. magogues. To avert from us this dismal calamity, we must keep vigilant sentry over the movements of our domestic as well as foreign enemies-we must guard, with inflexible resolution, every bulwark, erected by the wisdom of our forefathers, for the protection of our sanctuary against assault or surprise. This cannot be effected, unless we courageously look our enemies in the face. Happily, we have no complicated duties to fulfil, nor any ambiguous precepts to obey. By the merciful dispensation of Providence, an electric sympathy has stricken the hearts of king and people, and made them beat high in one grand and common cause. If He has been the foremost to give a noble example of patriotic devotion, let us not be backward in requiting his paternal virtues, by planting ourselves between the throne and thatˆ band of aspiring adventurers, who are contriving to surround, for the purpose of keeping it in a state of thraldom.

It is to be observed, that the sentiments to which I am about to call the public attention, were not inserted in the Morning Chronicle with the indiscrimination of its usual random paragraphs of political profligacy, but were maturely considered, and deliberately announced, two days before their appearance. They must be examined, therefore, as the manifesto of that desperate party to which the Chronicle is notoriously subservient, and of whose hateful principles it has, to the disgrace of the British press, been too long the official organ.

On Monday the 9th instant, after having made several unfeeling and indecorous allusions to the state of our sovereign's health, (a subject on which it has descanted with cruel and malignant constancy) the Chronicle thus diffuses its pestilential vapours. “This paper has disdained to notice the falsehoods which have been published of a grand junction of parties; because we know that no such thing has taken place. The readers of the M. C. are not, and cannot be, the dupes of the fictions which are circulated on this subject, since they have seen that Mr. Fox and his friends uniformly maintained the sentiments which have been the rule of their conduct through the whole of their long and arduous struggle for the principles of the constitution."

From this passage we are taught to believe, that no coalition has been formed or attempted between Mr. Fox and the Grenvilles-and, as an unequivocal evidence of its impracticability, we are assured, that he and his friends still maintain those dangerous principles, which have guided their conduct through the whole of their long and factious opposition to the measures of government. So far we see our way. On the 9th of April, 1804, Mr. Fox is the same unaltered man, who, in 1792, pronounced the bloody anarchy of France to be "a glorious and stupendous edifice

of wisdom and integrity"-who, from that period to the present hour, has been the panegyrist of rebels and regicides-who, for the last ten years, has either been silent, or never uttered a single sentence or phrase, expressive of abhorrence or even of censure, against the treasons and conspiracies that have been framed, with a view to subvert the principles of the constitution, and to destroy the throne and life of our sovereign-and, lastly, who was struck out of the list of his Majesty's counsellors, as unworthy of his confidence. These multiplied instances of disgraceful consistency are fully established by the article in the Morning Chronicle; and we may add to them his uniform predilection for all the measures pursued by the French and their government, and his triumphant exulfation, whenever our enemies obtain any advantages at our expence.

By a reference to his speech at the Shakespeare tavern (for it is in a tavern, or a club that his heart dilates, and unbosoms all its views) it will be found, that he not only continues to harboùr those pernicious opinions which have stamped such merited infamy on his public life, but that he strives to disseminate them with zeal, and unabated activity. "The peace," said he, " is glorious to France, and to the FIRST CONSUL, and I rejoice at it. We have not gained the object of the war, and I like the peace so much the better." There have been Englishmen transported to Botany Bay for principles much less hostile to the welfare of their country than the above; and yet the honourable gentleman is member for Westminster, and has the assurance to suppose, that such an eulogist of the most perfidious nation that ever existed upon the face of the earth, is a fit person to be a minister of Great Britain! After a declaration pronounced under circumstances of peculiar solemnity, when the motives of the representative are naturally expected to be unfolded with sincerity to his constituents, will any man disbelieve, if Mr. Fox, were for one week, to be entrusted with the management of our affairs, that he would not prostrate the honour, power, and independance of our country at the foot-stool of the French Usurper, and afterwards insult us with the avowal, that he rejoiced at the event, because it was glorious to France and the First Consul? Mr. Fox and his friends must be either mad themselves, or they must conclude the nation to be worse than mad, if it were capable of tolerating such a perversion of every British sentiment, as to confide its safety in the hands of the professed admirer of its most implacable foe. But it may be urged that by a coalition of parties, Mr. Fox will come into power, at least, in good company. To this I answer, that the members who should compose this good company, must be men of a most extraordinary and unaccountable character, to reconcile them. selves to make a common cause with a politician, wholly destitute of one distinctive principle that heretofore animated and dilated the conduct of a British statesman. The soul of a Briton cannot inhabit the form of that human being, who can be brought to participate in his affections, or to share in his councils. It is impossible that such an association can be formed without the intervention of fraud, wickedness, and perfidy; it must be the result of a guilty combination of principles and objects, unparalleled in the history of human ambition. For a concession or abandonment of public professions must be made by one side or the other; as men cannot be supposed to act in concert who are influenced by opposite motives. That Mr. Fox

October 10th, 1801.

is consistent, true, and steadfast to his principles, we have the authority of his official paper for believing; the Grenvilles, therefore, must apostatize, or in plainer language, the professed enemies of the power of France, must become the proselytes of its professed admirer; the advocates for war, must become the pupils of the advocate for peace; the declared friends of the British constitution must become converts to military despotism; and the late servants of a legitimate sovereign be transformed into the detestable panders of a foreign usurper.

All these political metamorphoses must take place, before any coalition can be cemented between the faction of the Grenvilles and the faction of Mr. Fox. The presumption is in favonr of the former, as it is universally known that their headlong fury in the attainment of power, will suggest to them any sacrifice of principles or system to obtain the possession of it. Hence, before the introduction of their new colleague into the cabinet, it will be necessary to present him to their sovereign as the man whom, five years ago, his Majesty, by their advice, had expelled, loaded with ignominy, from his councils; as the man, whose best recommendation to the confidence of a patriot king, is, his love and admiration of that king's mortal enemies; whose principles are in perpetual revolutionary motion, and whose high claims to loyalty and fidelity, have been uniformly exemplified by the zeal he has shewn, and the hopes he has encouraged, "in the return of the people to that temper when they CASHIERED one king, aud elected another."

FALKLAND.

* Vid. Mr. Fox's speech at the Shakespeare tavern, October 10th, 1801.

AN EXPOSURE of COBBETT'S Falsehoods concerning the Appointment of the INSPECTOR of HOSPITALS, and the Arrangements made int he NAVAL MEDICAL Department, by EARL ST. VINCENT.

Dr.BAIRD's appointment of Inspector of hospitals is a new thing, and embraces not only the duty of a commissioner of the sick and wounded board, when in London, but the inspection of naval and prison hospitals, prisons, prison-ships, prison-hospital, and naval hospital-ships, marine infirmaries, and of the medical department of ships in commission. Though this appointment was long acknowledged to be necessary, yet it was reserved, like many other salutary ones, for Lord St. Vincent to establish it. The Doctor's visitations, therefore, were not directed to the particular point, as a writer in Cobbett's Register states, of preparing old medicines for foreign service, but generally to the correction of the most shameful abuses, and to the better organization of the different departments deputed to his inspection.

Nothing can be more false than that old medicines are sent abroad; for now the greatest attention is paid to their being fresh and good. True it is that our large hospitals are now become depots, where the medicines of broken up and temporary hospitals were deposited at the end of the late war, and where they are prepared for service; a great quantity of which having been in store, were not, as had formerly been the case, allowed to perish; to the great detriment of the public. It is a fact, that in his very first visitation, he rescued stores at one hospital to the amount of many thousand pounds,