the Old School," a man must be wicked, who is devoted to his King, faithful to his trust, diligent in the discharge of his duty, attached to his country, and an enemy to the First Consul. The exertion of a little thought soon harmonizes apparent contradictions; and as these are the only wickednesses of which ministers are known to be guilty, we may form some idea of the virtuous qualities which the members of "the Old School," will bring with them into the new cabinet.

With respect to the vile insinuation of the weakness of Administration, (and I call it vile because it is untrue) I see no reasonable mode of accounting for it, according to the rule of conduct which characterizes the party, but by concluding that Ministers disdain to supply by artifice and cunning what cannot be procured by just and honest methods; and to influence the determinations of the Legislature, by substituting harangue and noise for reasoning and sound policy. The evidences of their imbecility are multifarious, agreeably to the logic of the Whig Club: for the men who, in the short space of six months, have sent five hundred ships of war out of the ports of Britain, collected under arms above eight hundred thousand determined warriors, captured a number of rich colonies, and cut off the enemy from all communication with the few which yet belong to him; blockaded all his ports, destroyed his commerce and navigation, while maintaining public order and economizing the public resources at home-must be weak and wicked too, beyond all endurance by such patriots as the Grenvilles and the Foxes. Doubtless, it is from the same considerations, that they deplore the extent of that popular confidence which has so auspiciously strengthened the arm of government, fortified all its operations, by the happy consent of King and people, and introduced that tranquil posture of affairs into the country, the end of which, the "Whig after the old school," hails as the end of араthy and apparent indifference to their most serious concerns, which have so long degraded its inhabitants." The future historian of our times will not fail to derive the most in. structive lessons from the Morning Chronicle, when he is about to delineate the state of the public mind in Britain during the year 1804. The noise of military movements, and the spectacle of nearly a million of men under arms, he will, henceforward, qualify by the name of apathy; and the resolution to conquer or perish will be conclusive evidence of apparent indifference to their most serious concerns. These are important discoveries in the science of political ethics, and entitle their author to a seat in the national institute. No wonder this ingenious sophist is "equally convinced by the evidence of his own senses and by Mr. Fox's conduct in Parliament, that he and his friends have maintained, inviolate, every consititutional principle for which they ever have contended:" inasmuch as he must be aware, as well as every thinking man in the empire, that there never has been a single constitutional principle for which Mr. Fox and his friends ever have contended.

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Having dilated upon this topic, the Whig objects with fraternal tenderness to the account given in Monday's Chronicle, which he considers to be "very likely, an inadvertent one;" and with the inflexible sterness of Roman patriotism, thus descants on the advarstages of inconsistency.—“ In a scheme so mixed and complicated as ours," (whose scheme, the conspirators' or the nation's?—if the latter, we feel no complicated scheme-our motive is simple-it is the safety, honour, and indepen dence of our country,)" there must be differences of opinion, and sometimes essen

66

same;

1

"tial differences of principle; but the great end" (getting into place) " remains the and union to effect that end" (so long desired by the party)" is the de66 clarcd, unvarying, stationary principle of every one of our institutions," (especially of the Whig Club.) The presumption, therefore, whenever an extraordinary 66 emergency of public affairs produces an union of parties, unless we are ready to adopt the low, vulgar cant of universal depravity, prevailing in all men and in all <parties alike, is, prima facie, in favour of such an union. Neither is it wholly ex"travagant to suppose, in such cases, that time and events may have extinguished 66 some of the material objects of party difference."

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Whether the above Exposé was written by the Russian Pleuipotentiary or the editor himself, or any other fawning parasite of faction, is of little consequence: but the statement is important: because it contains an official communication of the designs of the party. I have already exhibited the palpable contradiction between the articles of Monday and Tuesday, and demonstrated the unprincipled motives by which the Coalitionists are governed. The argument extends as fully, if not more so, to the Grenvilles than the Foxes. For any conduct of the latter, we are prepared; they will join or break with any faction, provided they can seize on the power of the state and it is immaterial to them what uproar and confusion may be caused thereby, as long as they are masters.

"Better to reign in Hell than serve in Heaven,”

has ever been the unchangeable preccpt of their doctors and chiefs. But the Grenvilles have some character to preserve. In a conjunction with such a brood of profligate liberticides, they will forfeit the estimation of the virtuous part of their supporters, and the respect even of their opponents. After so long a struggle for the laws and constitution of their country, they must become reprobate and lost to all moral sentiment, by affiliating with an association whose sole object is the overthrow of both.-There is something loathsome even in the idea of such a coalition. It will be an attempt to remedy the pains of wounded pride by the application of caustics and other desperate medicaments: it will be binding together debility with the pest, consumption with a putrid carcase, and the remains of vital honour with eternal infamy. April 18, 1804.

FALKLAND.

OFFENSIVE OPERATIONS.

The leaders and adherents of that motley faction, which, for purposes the most evidently selfish and corrupt, is labouring to disturb the harmony, and to paralize the energies of the country, are still clamorous for what they are pleased to term offensive operations against the enemy. But, notwithstanding their loud and vociferous complaints at the supineness of ministers, they have not hitherto condescended to point out, or even to hint at any enterprize of this nature, which could promise the most distant probability of success. Even Colonel Crauford himself, the great military charlatan, and, if we may be allowed the allusion, the illustrious MACK of the party, has thought proper, notwithstanding the fertility of his invention, and the abundance of his resources, to preserve, upon this point, a discreet and uniform şilence. That the Grenvilles, and, in particular, the noble Baron, whom they are accustomed to regard as the hope, the pride, and the main pillar of the FAMILY, should indulge the virulence of their spirit at the expence of the best interests of the state, will not excite any extraordinary degree of surprise :-nor, indeed, are

we disposed, at this time of day, to wonder at the eccentricities and endless absurdi« ties of Mr. Windham's wild and unsettled genius. Their conduct is perfectly in character-perfectly natural and consistent-But that Mr. Fox and his particular friends and adherents, who, during the last war, constantly opposed and ridiculed every continental expedition-that these very men should so far despise the opinion of the nation as to re-echo the senseless clamour of their new allies, must excite, if not the astonishment, at least the indignation and resentment of every fair and liberal mind. It is not yet forgotten, that, during the last war, while the military force of France was comparatively feeble and disorganised-while the bosom of the Republic was torn by the most violent political dissentions-while all the great nations of Europe were confederated against her-and when, in addition to every other propitious circumstance, the power of Great Britain was still directed by the counsels, and influenced by the auspices, of the GRENVILLES-it is not yet forgotten, that, with all these appearances in our favour, six military expeditions were, at different periods, undertaken against the continental dominions of the enemy. The result of these several offensive attempts, it is as unnecessary, as it would be painful and distressing, to relate -While they served to evince the zeal and gallantry of our troops, their determined spirit and unshaken constancy, under circumstances the most difficult and adverse, they at the same time exposed, to the eyes of all Europe, the imbecility of those counsels by which Great Britain was governed; and afforded one more instance, a memorable instance, to prove how possible it is, that the extremes of violence and weakness may be united in the same character.

But if we appeal, at any time, to the persons who maintain these opinions, if we require them to point out some practicable scheme of offensive operations, their uniform and expressive silence, upon these occasions, proves, beyond the possibility of douht, that the language which they hold proceeds rather from party and factious views, than from any real concern for the interests and honour of the nation. It is impossible, however, that the sentiments they profess to entertain upon this subject, and which they find it perpetually convenient to express in the language of declamation and invective, should impose upon the understanding of any observant and intelligent person. For, let us, for the sake of argument, make every concession-let us suppose the country, at this moment, to be in possession of a force disposeable for offensive operations, consisting of one hundred thousand disciplined troops-let us suppose this army landed upon the enemy's coast, and directed to the attainment of any object which the adversaries of government be may induced to name, let all this be allowed, and is there any man, who, judging from past experience, can be sanguine or extravagant enough to hope, that the exertions of such a force (numerous, indeed, when considered in connection with the military means and resources of Great Bri tain; but altogether inconsiderable, when compared with the domestic strength of the enemy) could be attended with an advantageous and honourable result. On the contrary, is it not abundantly clear and evident, that such an enterprise, instead of redounding to the benefit or the glory of the country, must necessarily ter minate in disappointment, defeat, and disgrace.

Printed by JAMES WHITING, FINSBURY PLACE.

Published by J. PARSONS, Bookseller, Ludgate Hill; by CLEMENT, 201, Strand (to either of whom all Communications are requested to be sent) sold-and by A. HAMILTON, at his Musical Library, 221, Piccadilly; by E. KERBY, 2, Stafford Street, Old Bond Street; SEATON, 40, Oxford Street; THOMAS, 35, Old Bond Street; WOODHAM, opposite Chancery Lane, Holborn; PECK, Lombard Street; and by various Booksellers and Newsmen in Town and Country.

[PRICE NINE-PENCE.]

If it be true that the factious have triumphed, the fate of England is decided, and the country will soon learn to its sorrow the loss of the most constitutional administration that ever sat in the British cabinet!

Soon shall THEY deplore their inconsistency and credulity who have been weak enough to be deluded by the voice of a CABAL, formed of those very men whose politics they have separately marked with every epithet of disapprobation-a cabal which, though composed of characters, whose tenets are the direct converse of each other, had so lately but few, indeed, in the country who supported the opinions either of the one party or of the other for how universally and how recently have we not heard the administration of Mr. Pitt condemned, how has not Mr. Fox been stigmatized as a jacobin-and how did not the people sigh for a government between these two extremes, which were equally odious.-That administration they have had-that administration is in danger, and should not every voice and every hand be raised in their support!

It can, indeed, scarcely be believed, nor will we believe it, that the general sense of the people is in support of an aggregate of men, such as the present faction, the individuals of which are objects of dissatisfaction-It is not possible to conceive that we should hail with pleasure the return of Mr. Pitt's old system of expence, or that of the haughty oppression of Lord Grenville, or that of the quixotism of Mr. Windham-or that the Jacobinical principles of Mr. Fox should be acceptable:there is not indeed one of these component parts which has not been the object either of general disgust or ridicule. How, then, shall we suppose the compound can be agreeable? The people are not absurd enough to imagine that these men will now change their natures, or that, by combination, their adverse properties, like those

of mere inanimate matter, are so to blend, as to produce a palatable mixture! They are not to be dazzled by the words COALITION OF TALENTS-So as to fancy that the exertion of talents acting upon incongruous principles, can ever work any good to the country on the contrary, every reasoning mind must be convinced that should this coalition of talents, as it is christened, be powerful enough to seize the helm, that as Mr. Pitt will arrogate to himself a triumph, so shall we have, in future, a more determined exercise of his system of finance, so shall we have two loans and three subsidies for one; that as Lord Grenville will arrogate to himself a triumph, so shall we have a return of all that cold and haughty diplomacy that lost us, heretofore, our allies, and which will now convert neutrality to hostility-while at home, it will be the signal for the revival of sedition and discord, and a miserable recurrence, in the desperate necessity of it, to rigours beyond the law; that as Mr. Windham will arrogate to himself a triumph, so shall we have French armies recruited at an enormous expence, for the protection of England; so shall we have emigrants garrisoned in our arsenals and our citadels; so shall we have an expedition to Ostend, or Quiberon, every month, wherein whole armies will be killed off, and the glory of the British arms repeatedly tarnished; that as Mr. Fox* also, will arrogate to himself a triumph, so shall we again have him haranguing the MOB in a louder voice on the sovereignty of the people-so we have new commotions, new meetings, and new dragoonings. Let it not then be supposed, for a moment, that the rational part of the public, at least, expect any good from this extravagant coalition. No! no! however loud may be the clamour in a certain assembly-however the force of family and personal service may have strengthened the hands of opposition-however many discontented and unglutted contractors and jobbers may be found to echo the clamour elsewhere, still the voice of the country is with the present ministers, and their regrets, their prayers will follow them into retirement, should it be so decreed, to the irretrievable misfortune of this devoted country.

The people cannot forget the parliamentary commotions that preceded the down. fal of CHARLES the first-they cannot forget that the return of Neckar, the financier, into office, was the forerunner of the French revolution, and of the murder of LOUIS the eighteenth!!!

In the purest spirit of independence and patriotism we have long sounded the alarm but if that event which we have deprecated should finally come to pass, so much are we convinced of the irretrievable ruin of the country, that we confess all further effort vain, unless some sudden and unexpected gleam of light should burst through the present dark and gloomy atmosphere.

It is not many months fince Mr. Cobbett, the echo of the Grenvilles and Windhams, who is now fo ftreneous for this coalition of talents, told us "that to make Mr. Fox MINISTER OF ENGLAND, was to accept BONAPARTE as our FIRST CONSUL."

TO THE EDITOR.

SIR,

When the prerogatives of royalty have been attacked by the violence of faction, or the liberties of the people endangered by the influence of the crown, the leading: