the policy of France in propagating the report we are at a loss to determine-nor is the problem easily solved, but by a supposition that a time had actually been fixed for its taking place-but that, in the interim, the-would-be HERO OF INVASION has seen reason for a further delay.

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DOLLARS.-We understand that Mr. Bolton has made an offer to stamp the Spanish Dollar by one simple and immediate operation into the Crown Piece, at the moderate expence of one farthing for each-And we trust it will be carried into execution, as the intrinsic value of the Dollar is now very nearly five shillings. Here we cannot help adverting to a most absurd passage, in the last Weekly Register-upon the subject of Dollars-where it it contended, that, because the Dollar is now worth more than 4s. 6d. the pound note is depreciated; for, says Cobbett, "a ten pound note would formerly buy 44 Dollars, and now buys but 40." As well might this profound Financier contend that every rise in the price of Corn, Tea, Coffee, Sugar, and Gingerbread, betokens a depreciation of Banknotes-as well might any Financier on the other side the question contend that Bank Notes had risen in value since the French Revolution, because a Lady of Quality may now buy the same Diamond for Thirty Pounds in Bank Notes that would have cost her Fifty Pounds before it. Or as well might this Pattern of Penetration himself contènd that Guineas are also depreciated, because, at the time he mentions, TEN GUINEAS would have purchased 46 dollars and a fraction, and will now only purchase 42. This it must be confessed is as true of guineas, as it is of bank-notes; therefore, according to this profound statement of the learned Cobbett, Guineas and Bank-notes are equally depreciated-a doctrine which we fear he will find it difficult to reconcile with some of his financial assertions-Prodigy of Finance and Politics as he is!

COLONIAL. The evacuation of St. Domingo, though it has not been officially announced here, is fully confirmed by the American papers, which have been received this week. It is said that Rochambeau at first wished rather to have entered into articles with Dessalines, than the with British, by which he was very near sacrificing the whole of his army, the Blacks having formed a resolution to sink every vessel in the harbour-this plan having been discovered by the French General, he lost no time in proposing to surrender his army prisoners of war to the English, and thus saved, in a critical moment, the wreek of this once important expedition.

NAVAL MISCELLANIES.

Part of the British fleet have been in Torbay, namely, the Ville de Paris, the Dreadnought, Prince, Foudroyant, Impetueux, Colossus and Conquoror-the remainder of the fleet, however, kept the sea, and in force sufficient to watch the French Fleet should it venture out.

The gazette of last Saturday, contains an account of thirty-nine vessels of different descriptions, which have been taken by the squadrons under the command of Commodore Hood, in the West Indies.

It contains also the account of a very gallant exploit performed by a party of seamen and marines under the command of Captain Ferris. These brave fellows, in

order to secure the capture of a privateer, which had taken shelter in Marin Bay, in the island of Martinique, resolved to storm a fort, called fort Dunkirk, which commanded the entrance-They most completely succeeded in the enterprise, and not only took possession of the French ship, but spiked the cannon, and destroyed all the stores which they found in the fort, besides taking a number of prisoners.

A similar exploit is also related to have been performed by a party of marines and seamen in another part of the island, where they succeeded in destroying a battery mounting six 24-pounders.

Several very large and well constructed guns have been captured off L'Hogue, which will be taken into our service,

LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1804,

POSTSCRIPT.

Admiral Cornwallis sailed yesterday from Torbay, with the ships, which had been lying there to resume his station off Brest.

By letters from Lisbon of the 18th ultimo, His Majesty's Ship Lapwing was waitIng in the Tagus for Convoy. It had blown a strong S. W. gale for some time previous The Halcyon Brig sprung her masts in attempting to put to sea with the Mail for Gibraltar, Part of the Convoy from England, destined for the Mediterranean, with La Sophie Sloop, was waiting until it was practicable for them to pass the Bar. The Diana was seen off Cape St. Vincent, with another part of the Convoy, having experienced most dreadful weather on their passage; and the Wasp Sloop had parted company in one of the gales,

Some French Privateers, said to rendezvous in the Canaries, have infested the seas as far as the Western Isles; but as our Cruisers have got intimation of their haunts, we may expect to hear a good account of them.

Extract of a letter from an Officer on board II. M. S. Diamond, dated Spithead,

February 1st, 1804.

The Diamond has been forced into Spithead (from the Heet off the Start) the day before yesterday, with hardly a ftitch of fail left to fet. The weather has been more severe than I ever remember. For these nine weeks past we have had nothing but a continued gale and thick dirty weather-our eruife has been a very long one-we have been feventeen weeks at sea, most of the time off Brest. When we last looked in, (3d January) the enemy had thirteen fail of the line in the outer roads, nine apparently ready for fea⚫ the other four feemned very dirty and in bad condition, in their hulls, &c. Į fuppofe they had either arrived or come out of harbour, as when we looked in before, there werę only eight fail of the line in the roads."

The late gales have driven back the outward-bound West India convoy.

General ROCHAMBEAU is arrived at Portsmouth in the Revolutionaire Frigate― No doubt, therefore, can remain as to the fate of St. Domingo-the details will proba bly appear in this evening's gazette.

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LETTER I.-TO THE EDITOR OF THE ROYAL STANDARD.
SIR,

The principles and conduct of the American government have again, after some interval, been made a subject of the most impudent and unfounded invective in the writings of COBBETT. I have frequently observed, with equal surprise and regret, that too many, even among the intelligent part of my countrymen, are accustomed to regard the politics and affairs of America with feelings of the utmost indifference, Whatever may have been the original cause of this prevalent disposition, its uniform, continuance does certainly evince either a profound ignorance or a criminal disregard of the first and most essential interests of the empire. Widely and totally different indeed must be the sentiments of those persons, who, influenced by a sincere and laudable anxiety for the prosperity of their country, have at the same time attentively explored the sources of her present wealth and power. They know, and are ready upon all occasions to confess, the importance, the rapidly increasing importance of America, to the commercial interests of the empire; and they must therefore feel justly indignant at every endeavour to interrupt, by awakening a spirit of mutual jealousy and distrust, that good understanding and harmony which at present so happily subsist between the two eountries. I am persuaded, therefore, that by persons thus informed, and thus influenced, I shall be thought to perform a useful and important service, in exposing the gross falsehoods and unfounded calumnies which constitute the frame and texture of that statement to which I have above referred.

The most extraordinary, and, for Mr. Cobbett, the most unfortunate circumstance attending this statement, is the time of its appearance. He informs us, "that the "United States, after having purchased the colony of Louisiana from France, and

actually created stock for the amount of the purchase money, are compelled to "obtain possession by force of arms.

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and by the

He says, " that Louisiana, if it be the intention of the American administration "to persist in requiring it, must be acquired in the same manner, 66 same means, as if no treaty had ever been made."

But by a singular fatality, and as if it had been purposely intended to confound the speculations of the writer, and to destroy for ever his credit and reputation with the public, on the very day, and almost at the very hour, in which this libellous article was introduced to the notice of the world, dispatches were actually received by Mr. Monroe, the American Minister, stating that the Colony of Louisiana had already been surrendered by the Spanish government to L'Aussat, the Agent of France; and that this officer only waited for the arrival of General Wilkinson and Governor Clairborn, the American Commissioners, to transfer the possession to the United States. Such then is the dependence to be placed upon the speculations and judgment of this writer, or, if you will, upon his veracity and candour!

But his motives are clear and evident. The immediate and palpable object of his statement is 'to induce the people of Great Britain to believe that the American government is decidedly hostile to their interests and prosperity-to lead them to suppose that the treaty for Louisiana was a mere blind and pretext, devised for the purpose of covering an important subsidy to the republic of France. For what is the language of the writer upon this subject? He not only informs us that "the stock is already created, and that the United States are, with respect to Louisiana, precisely in the same situation as if no treaty had been made, while France will, in the mean time, have gained their ten millions of dollars, and other import"ant advantages ;"-but he distinctly asserts that the American government con"cluded the bargain, not so much for the sake of obtaining Louisiana, as of render. "ing France the substantial benefits which she will obtain by the stipulations of the "treaty." From the above statement, then, we are left to infer, that the price of this territory is, at all events, to be paid into the coffers of the French Republic➡ while America is to trust, for her equivalent in the treaty, (that is, for the possession of this important and extensive province) to the uncertain operations of war. Now, Sir, I take upon myself to assert, that the writer, at the very moment in which this statement proceeded from his pen, knew it to be false. I do distinctly assert, that he must have known that the stock, although it had been created by a vote of Congress, was not to be delivered to France till the cession of the province was complete. that it was to be delivered by the American Commissioners at the City of New Orleans, to the agent of the French Republic, upon the final transfer of the Colony to the United States.

In asserting that the writer was apprised of these arrangements with respect to the payment of the purchase money of this valuable and important territory, I do not speak upon light or uncertain grounds. The above adjustment has long been a matter of public notoriety in America, and I have reason to know, that he carries on an active correspondence with his former friends and fellow labourers in that country. I know in particular, that among his other correspondents is an Englishman, of the name of Cullen, who was formerly an agent and hired writer, in the service of Mr. WINDHAM, and who is now, under a different name, the conductor of a pa

per* of the most low and infamous character-a paper, which is continually filled with the most scurrilous invectives against the present government of America, and against the members of the existing administration in England. It is impossible, therefore, to suppose, that the writer of this statement should not have been informed with respect to the terms of the payment, and the period at which it was to be made-and I am fully warranted, therefore, in repeating, that at the time when it proceeded from his pen, he was conscious that he was endeavouring to impose a falsehood on the world. To what principle then are we to ascribe his conduct upon this occasion? It can be fairly attributed to no other motive than a detestable and malignant desire to excite a spirit of jealousy and distrust between the two countries -an object at which he has so long and so actively laboured.

But, Sir, another extraordinary charge has been preferred against Mr. Jefferson; a charge, in every respect, worthy the quarter from whence it has proceeded-worthy the disciple, the supporter, the indefatigable tool of Mr. Windham. By a treaty, concluded in the year 1795, between Spain and the United States, a right of deposit at the city of New Orleans was granted to the citizens of the latter power, The exercise of this right was interrupted by a proclamation from the Spanish Intendant. The American Government had reason to believe that this act on the part of the Intendanl was wholly unauthorized*; and, accordingly, a strong remonstrance upon the subject was immediately made to the Court of Madrid. The result was that the exercise of the right of deposit was immediately restored.

I shall leave it then with your readers to determine, whether any considerate and rational mind-whether any individual not completely maddened by the passions, the animosities and blind spirit of faction, could possibly have objected to the temperate policy pursued by the American government upon this occasion.-Far different, however, are the sentiments and opinions of Mr. Cobbett. For what, Sir, is the language which he employs upon this occasion? "Mr. Jefferson would pursue none but 66 pacific measures; while justice and policy called aloud for war." But where, Sir, let me ask, would have been either the justice or the policy of immediately resorting to arms for an object which, as the event has sufficiently shewn, might at once be obtained by an open and dignified remonstrance?

But the system of policy which the government of the United States has pursued with respect to the province of Louisiana, has beeu stigmatized as inconsistent and utterly unworthy the dignity of a great and independent nation. Throughout "all the measures of the American administration, relative to Louisiana, its conduct "has been marked by low cunning and inconsistency." Such is the decent and becoming language with which this charge is preferred-but what, Sir, are the facts and circumstances upon which it is founded? The government of the United States had reason to believe, that the Spanish officers at New Orleans, who, without any warrant or authority from their court, had, upon a former occasion, prohibited the exercise of the right of deposit, in violation of the express provisions of the treaty of 1795, might, from motives and views of a similar nature, attempt to obstruct the execution

* The Charleston Courier-from which Mr, Cobbett has so largely quoted, in confirmation of his political opinions. Arcades ambo!