which represented all the segments of the labor movement of India and for the first time joining in with fraternal representatives from other free countries. Here we had trade-union representatives of the United Kingdom, trade-union representatives of France, trade-union representatives of Holland, and trade-union representatives of the United States. Because the American Federation of Labor, whom Irving Brown represented at that meeting, has been on record for this legislation and has been fighting this issue frankly urging a policy of nondiscrimination as a fundamental principle of human behavior, the representative of the United States in that conference was the only persona grata of these countries. The people of India represented in that Congress looked upon the delegate from the United Kingdom as the delegate of a country that has had a record of colonialism, looked upon the fraternal delegate of Holland as the representative of a colonial power, and upon the one of France as the representative of a colonial power also. But here was the United States standing for this principle, affirming and asserting it without any equivocation, with regard to its relationship to the peoples in any of these lands that still may be regarded as colonies.

So I think this is an added evidence to the kind of effect that underlies our whole position in the world today.

Senator HUMPHREY. Thank you very much, Mr. Shishkin. We really appreciate your coming.

Mr. SHISHKIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Senator HUMPHREY. Mr. Philip Randolph is not present this morning, as I understand, but Mr. Theodore Brown is appearing for Mr. Randolph. Mr. Brown, we would like to have you appear and give us your testimony. I regret that Mr. Randolph couldn't be with us. Give him my regards when you see him.

STATEMENT OF THEODORE E. BROWN, DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AND EDUCATION, ON BEHALF OF A. PHILIP RANDOLPH, PRESIDENT, BROTHERHOOD OF SLEEPING CAR PORTERS, A. F. OF L.

Mr. BROWN. He wanted to be here, Mr. Chairman, but he is going to Japan sometime this week and it came on very suddenly. That accounts for his not being here.

Senator HUMPHREY. May I suggest that we take the whole statement of Mr. Randolph's and place it in the record at this point and any comment that you would like to make on that statement you are at liberty to do so.

Mr. BROWN. Thank you.

(The statement referred to is as follows:)

STATEMENT OF A. PHILIP RANDOLPH ON DISCRIMINATION AND FULL UTILIZATION OF MANPOWER RESOURCES, IN REFERENCE TO S. 551 AND S. 1732

Mr. Chairman, I am here today to present to this committee the statement of Mr. A. Philip Randolph, who is the international president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters which is an international affiliate of the American Federation of Labor. Mr. Randolph is also the cochairman of the National Council for a Permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee.

My name is Theodore E. Brown and I am the director of research and education of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. I respectfully ask that this committee receive the statement of Mr. Randolph and consider it in the light of his position as the president of a significant American trade union whose membership is interracial but largely composed of American Negroes.

I also request your considering this statement of Mr. Randolph in his official capacity as cochairman of the National Council for a Permanent FEPC. The Council has conducted a continuous national educational program since September 1943 in the sole interest of securing a Federal FEPC statute with enforcement powers.

No action by President Truman has been more significant in the perpetuation of the American way of life and the cause of basic human dignity than the creation of his Committee on Civil Rights in 1947 and his unqualified acceptance of its report in 1948.

The President has repeatedly urged Congress to enact FEPC legislation for the public welfare. The Chief Executive's statements regarding FEPC are not only courageous, forthright, and visionary—they are glaring proof that the President realizes that millions of his countrymen of the nonwhite race are daily experiencing the pangs of economic discrimination because of their color. The President seems to understand that our Nation would be morally a richer democracy if Federal public policy said on the statute books: "It is illegal to deny any citizen a job because of his race, color, religion, or national origin."

Mr. Chairman, I desire to take this opportunity to express my appreciation to you and to members of this subcommittee of both political parties for your untiring devotion to the cause of fair-employment practice. There are members of this subcommittee from both the Democratic and Republican Parties of vision and courage who are dedicated to the proposition that an FEPC law will some day be on the Federal statute books. Those of us who live and work in the constant hope of achieving an effective FEPC law are fortunate in having your leadership in this fight in the Senate of the United States.

On February 28, last year, it was my privilege and honor to be a member of a committee of 12 Negro leaders who discussed with President Truman at the White House the mounting evidences of discrimination in employment against American Negroes. We acquainted the President with the fact that not only is discrimination Nation-wide in private industry, in industry under private management but developed with Federal funds, but it is also scandalously present in the departments and agencies of the Federal Government itself.

As a result of the audience with the President, conferences were arranged by the White House for meetings on April 13 last year with Secretary of State Dean Acheson and the then Director of Defense Mobilization, Mr. Charles E. Wilson. A subcommittee of the 12 met with both officials. The point of discussion was the use of qualified Negro citizens on an integrated basis in the foreign and domestic facilities of the State Department. With Mr. Wilson we discussed the use of Negro citizens in responsible executive, administrative, and technical positions in all agencies and departments under the Office of Defense Mobilization.

Some progress has been made in our program with the State Department. Virtually no progress has been made with Defense Mobilization officials. Although a Negro on the staff of assistants to the Mobilization Director was promised by Mr. Wilson, none has been appointed. Many months ago it was stated that an appointment of a Negro attorney in the office of the General Counsel to the Mobilization Director would be made, but to date no such appointment has been made. In justice to Mr. Charles E. Wilson, he continuously expressed a genuine interest in helping us to achieve our goal.

I wish to stress to this committee that it is almost impossible for an American Negro, qualified as to training and aptitude, to secure by appointment or civil service a position in the Government of an executive or administrative capacity. This, gentlemen of the committee, is notwithstanding the fact that many thousands of Negro youths are annually graduating from some of the Nation's finest colleges and universities.

The Federal Government is one of the best examples of racial discrimination in employment. Few if any Negroes can be found employed as research workers, economists, lawyers, department and bureau heads, or career foreign service officers.

Well might it be said that the Federal Government establishes the racial discriminatory pattern and pace for the rest of the country to observe and follow. The Government of the United States-an employer of over a million citizens-is the most flagrant adherent to a racial hiring policy in this country. This is true here in the Nation's Capital. It is equally true in Federal offices in the regional areas. It is prevalent under the present Democratic administration; it was present under Republican administrations in the past.

The Government of the United States is spending huge sums of the taxpayers money to develop the atomic and hydrogen bombs. At installations in Aiken, S. C., and Paducah, Ky., to name just two sites, Negroes who seek job opportunities are experiencing the usual answers and run around. At best, the menial jobs are the only ones Negroes seem successful in obtaining. The Atomic Energy Commission is aware of the repeated complaints of Negro citizens.

Since 1940 the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters through its Provisional Committee to Organize Colored Locomotive Firemen has waged a continuous campaign to stem the tide which threatens to eliminate Negro firemen from the southern railroads.

Due primarily to the expensive process of appealing to the Federal courts we have made limited progress in our efforts to prohibit the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen from eliminating the colored firemen from the railroads. The courts are not only expensive, but their process is long drawn out. A Federal administrative agency such as an FEPC would bring to the problem of racial discrimination in the hiring processes of the industry a greater degree of expertness in dealing with the problem and effective machinery for expediting settlements.

Not only are colored firemen examples of the necessity for a Federal FEPC but colored train porters also are constantly threatened by the efforts of the lily white Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen. There have been efforts in the States of Illinois, Missouri, New Mexico and Colorado by the Trainmen's Union to secure the enactment of so-called full crew bills. These bills, fortunately killed, would have eliminated Negro train porters. There is no reason to believe that the Trainmen's Union will not soon come up with other designs to get Negroes off the job of train porter.

The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters has been a party to litigation in the Federal courts to protect the job of train porters on the Missouri-Kansas Texas Railroad and also the Sante-Fe Railroad.

We are fighting to keep the train porter from suffering the fate of the Negro firemen. In 20 years the number of Negro firemen has dropped more than 50 percent.

The

In such related transportation industries the problem is even worse. commercial airlines of the United States bar Negroes as pilots, stewardesses, and from any other positions in which the work is appealing and the pay relatively attractive.

What is true of the railroads and airlines is equally true of the great interstate bus companies. The communications industry, the public utilities, all recognize a pattern of employment which is designed to make it impossible for a Negro to receive consideration for employment and upgrading without regard to his color.

Even here in the Nation's Capital after a long and bitter fight Negroes are still unable to get employment as motormen or conductors on the street cars and busses of the Capital Transit lines. These jobs are definitely for whites only.

My duties as president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters require me to travel constantly in every section of the Nation. I speak with Negro citizens of various educational and professional background. I can assure you, gentlemen, that there is no issue either on the domestic scene or in our foreign policy which is of greater concern to 16 million American Negroes than the prompt enactment of a Federal FEPC act with enforcement powers.

The American people have come a long way in recognizing the need for a Federal FEPC since the National Council for a Permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee was organized in 1943. The council has been the principal means for waging a continuous educational program for a Federal law with enforcement powers. Today, eight States are administering FEPC statutes with enforcement powers (New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Washington, Oregon, and New Mexico). Such cities as Cleveland, Milwaukee, and Minneapolis have similar ordinances. More than half of all the States have had FEPC bills introduced in their legislatures. Such leading dailies as the New York Times, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, to mention two, editorially support the program for a Federal FEPC. How then can critics contend that the country is farther from a Federal FEPC law than it was in September 1943? To the countrary, there is mounting solid public opinion in favor of such legislation. The existence of Rule 22 of the United States Senate is the means whereby a small willful minority of Senators, representing in some cases a minority of the citizens of their State, can prevent the majority from voting on an FEPC bill.

Mr. Chairman, I believe that Rule 22 of the Senate is the most vicious, diabolical, and pernicious parliamentary maneuver ever devised by a legislative body in a democratic country. By requiring a constitutional two-thirds for imposing cloture, I believe that Rule 22 not only violates the Constitution, but aids and abets racial tension in these United States. If Rule 22 had been conceived in the abstract without regard to a specific class of legislation it still would be dangerous and undemocratic. But when we realize that the rule was designed in the minds of a few Senators solely to make certain that the Senate of the United States would never act favorably on civil rights legislation then it becomes really fiendish.

Rule 22 in effect says to 16 million Negro Americans and other so-called minorities: "You are forever classified as second-class citizens in your right to employment in American industry and Federal service solely because of your color, religion, or national origin. Rule 22 says to a varied, multicolored world that in the United States, the last great hope of the free world, only if you are white and gentile are you really free to make the economic contribution for which nature and training have fitted you.

I am not here attempting to argue the constitutional law involved in Rule 22. I am not a lawyer: I am a trade-unionist. As a worker in the American trade-union movement I can assure you that organized labor, both the A. F. of L. and the CIO long ago recognized the basic wholesomeness of a Federal FEPC statute in strengthening a working democracy. This is equally true of scores of Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish organizations. Fraternal, professional, and veterans' organizations can be found fighting effectively for this legislation. In fact, the organizations which cooperated with the National Council for a Permanent FEPC had a combined membership of over 60 million Americans.

The enactment of a Federal FEPC would give substance and character to the foreign policy of the United States. It would mean more than the billions spent on planes and battleships. Enactment of an FEPC law with enforcement powers would have a profoundly wholesome effect not only upon the people of Asia and Africa, but also the peoples of Europe. To outlaw racial discrimination in employment would say to the world that the American way of life is effectively fighting bigotry in employment.

I wish to assure the Senate of the United States that prompt enactment of S. 551 or S. 1732 would aid millions of American Negroes, in their fight for firstclass citizenship in the United States of America.

Mr. BROWN. Mr. Chairman, this is the statement of Mr. A. Philip Randolph, who, as I already said, would have liked to have been here, but, unfortunately, could not. I am here today to present to this committee this statement of Mr. Randolph's, who is the international president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, which is an international affiliate of the American Federation of Labor. Mr. Randolph is also the cochairman of the National Council for a Permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee.

My name is Theodore E. Brown, and I am the director of research and education, of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. I respectfully ask that this committee receive the statement of Mr. Randolph and consider it in the light of his position as the president of a significant American trade-union whose membership is interracial but largely composed of American Negroes.

I also request your considering this statement of Mr. Randolph in his official capacity as cochairman of the National Council for a Permanent FEPC. The council has conducted a continuous national educational program since September 1943, in the sole interest of securing a Federal FEPC statute with enforcement powers.

Senator HUMPHREY. I am very happy, Mr. Brown, to say that I am also a member of this national council, and I have worked with Mr. Randolph in this effort.

Mr. BROWN. There is a part of this statement that I would like to touch on, Mr. Chairman, and that is an account of a meeting that took

place on February 28, last year, in the White House with President Truman, at which time 12 Negro leaders, including Mr. Randolph, discussed this general over-all problem of Negro employment in this country. Specifically, this group dealt with the President on two particular aspects of this question, namely, the rank discrimination that exists in the Federal Government itself, and more particularly at that time with the State Department, both in its domestic and in its foreign facilities, and also the defense mobilization effort.

As a result of those meetings the White House arranged meetings on April 13, last year, one with Secretary of State Acheson and one with the then Director of Defense Mobilization, Mr. Charles E. Wilson. There has been very limited progress made with respect to the State Department program.

They were very much interested, Mr. Chairman, in attempting to get the Department to integrate qualified Negroes, especially in its Foreign Service, which is a branch of the Department's facilities which has a long history of denying Negroes an opportunity to make their contribution. But we have made virtually no progress on defense mobilization, and we think it is a very serious problem, Mr. Chairman, because the defense mobilization, which was just about being started at the time we had the conference with the President, was setting up this huge machinery, and, of course, they were spending billions of dollars. At that time Mr. Wilson stated that he was going to appoint a Negro on his staff of assistants to do one of the regular line functions. Now, Mr. Wilson is out, and Mr. Wilson has been very cooperative and always indicated genuine interest in cooperating with the committee in its efforts, but to date we still have not been able to make any progress on that score. We felt, of course, that if there was someone in the higher echelons of authority, within the Defense Mobilization Office many of these problems could be resolved, and before the whole program was solidified we might have been able to handle some of these questions. The most that we got was a promise to appoint a qualified attorney in the General Counsel's office. It is my understanding that they interviewed two, but still there has been no appointment in that respect.

This statement goes on to say that of course we feel that to talk about FEPC at this time with rule 22 as the method of procedure in the Senate is very, very discouraging. We don't feel-we, of course, meaning the officials of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Portersthat any progress is going to be made regarding FEPC or any other civil rights legislation for that matter as long as the Senate functions under rule 22. We believe very sincerely, Mr. Chairman, that the question of FEPC transcends any other domestic or foreign consideration or policy of our Government as far as American Negroes are concerned. We in the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters believe that the sole purpose of the Senate to continue to use rule 22 as the means of functioning was conceived in the minds of a small minority of the Senate to stymie the American Negoes in their hopes and aspirations for civil rights legislation. We feel it would have been a vicious type of thing if it had been designed for various types of legislation of a foreign or domestic nature, but the fact that its design was primarily conceived in the minds of a small group in the Senate to prevent civil rights legislation makes it even more vicious and diabolical in its conception.