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Such proposals are neither revolutionary nor radical. They involve no loss of vital state power, and mean a gain for the municipalities. Of considerable consequence, also, will be the renaissance of municipal political life that will follow this new birth of freedom in the realm of local government. And if the cities of Illinois earnestly desire the fuller life which Home Rule thus defined has to offer them, who is to say them nay. They today control threefourths, approximately, of the voting strength of the state either directly or indirectly.

How, then, is this change to be accomplished? It must come either thru constitutional amendment or thru the framing of a new constitution by a constitutional convention. The former, the amending process, offers no hope of immediate realization, for if recourse must be had to it there are other desired and imperatively necessary changes that ought to come first. Sad experience has taught us that we may not hasten the movements for constitutional amendment in this state. The only practical opportunity for the realization and establishment of Municipal Home Rule in Illinois lies in the holding of a constitutional convention to propose for this state a reorganized and revised body of fundamental law. The future of Illinois municipalities is more closely bound up in the success of the movement for constitutional revision than many of them have been aware, and to the furtherance of the new Constitution proposals they might well pledge their hearty support. They have nothing to lose; they have autonomy to gain.

BY L. D. UPSON

Director Bureau of Municipal Research, Dayton, Ohio

To a group of public officials intimate with municipal government, it is needless to more than mention the rapidly increasing needs of our cities and the halting efforts which have been made to meet them.

City growth has made expedient a multiplicity of activities little understood or appreciated by "the man in the street,"-industrial education, good housing, recreational centers, clean milk, efficient police, clean streets, fire prevention, equitable taxation, rapid transit facilities, etc. The energy with which a municipality enters into these new fields, as well as meets old needs, marks it as a progressive or a retarded community.

That local government is frequently cumbersome, expensive and inefficient, is not a matter of argument. It is notorious that we have a democratic and republican garbage removal when we should have efficient and economical service; that public jobs are not infrequently filled by men who make excellent ward and precinct captains rather than capable street superintendents and health officers. An even more serious difficulty is the lack of continuity in public programs. Administrative officers are elected or appointed for such brief periods that it is impossible to formulate plans for community action which must extend for an indefinite and prolonged period.

In Dayton an effort has been made by altering the type of government to remedy both of these deficiencies. It is believed that by eliminating partisanship, concentrating responsibility, and providing for permanence in the tenure of administrative offices, there should be a decided increase in the efficiency with which public affairs are

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conducted. Dayton has not pinned its faith for reform, either upon improved governmental machinery alone or upon better men alone, but has endeavored to combine sensibly these two factors.

In the Dayton government the legislative power resides in a commission of five, elected at large on a nonpartisan ticket. This commission has all the powers which formerly resided in the city council. Their control of the city budget is in unusual detail; they pass numberless dreary improvement ordinances; they pass police regulations, which in Dayton as in most cities are concerned with muzzling dogs and the preventing of "jay walking"; and finally they appoint a city manager. Certainly in spite of the political argument, American liberties are safe so long as our local representatives retain these powers. In fact many believe that such government is more actually representative than in the instances where the city council follows the dictations of the county chairman.

On the other hand all administrative functions are delegated to a city manager appointed for an indefinite term; trained for this particular job; and upon whom is placed the responsibility of securing an economical and efficient government. He is purely an administrative officer with administrative functions only.

Frankly, his position is predicated on the assumption that while every American citizen is capable of governing himself, not every citizen is capable of being elected to and administrating the office of the city engineer, city physician, city attorney, city bridge builder or city chemist. These positions have nothing whatever to do with the policies of city government, and if the public money is to bring a maximum of results, these jobs must be filled for ability rather than national political belief. The rights of the public are amply protected thru this organization. Certainly the voter has little concern in the technical details of how administrative policies are carried out. Assuredy he is not interested in whether streets are cleaned by brooms or with machine sweeps, so long as they are

kept sufficiently clean and the cost of such cleaning is reduced to a minimum. And it must be remembered that the commission must go to the public on the question of clean streets and the cost of such cleaning. It is certainly immaterial to the voter whether streets are laid with brick or concrete so long as the greatest efficiency is brought about by the type of pavement laid. It is equally immaterial to him whether the department of health record cards are blue or white so long as there is an adequate control over disease. These are technical problems in which the tax-payer and the voter can have no concern beyond seeing that they are adequately provided. And adequate provision comes thru this control over the legislative body who must find a manager who will make good.

However, you are not as much interested in the defense of the theory of city-manager government as in its results. The true test is "does it work?" and if it does it will ultimately prevail in spite of any theoretical objections which may be brought. Although the most important features of this type of administration do not easily lend themselves to printed statement, the new activities reviewed in the manager's semi-annual report are worthy of consideration.

Perhaps the most notable improvement has been in the character of the men in the city's unclassified service. Politics have been entirely eliminated in their selection and in the main, these men are thinking of the job first rather than the compensation. The manager himself has frequently stated that he is not only unaware of the political affiliations of his department and division heads, but also of the members of the commission.

The absence of politics and the promise of permanence has resulted in noteworthy foresight taken in the planning of public works. The program outlined for water betterments extends over 16 years; the improvement of the sewer system will be gradual and upon its completion will serve a city of double the present size; and after twenty years, the elimination of grade crossings has taken definite shape.

A city plan commission is at work, and it is proposed to develop a park system in accordance with plans completed some years ago but until this time neglected.

It is in public welfare, however, rather than in engineering that the administration is most justly proud of its accomplishments. Dayton is one of the few cities in America which has a department devoted exclusively to the betterment of the social factors of the community. There has been a complete reorganization of health work; the activities of the visiting nurses have been enlarged; free clinics established; pure milk stations started and disease centers controlled or abated. The result was the reduction in the death rate of children under one year by 40 per cent,—a saving of 54 lives as compared with the rate of 1913. An infant now has almost double the chance of living, he would have had in previous years.

Strict enforcement of health regulations has made enemies, but these are among persons who placed personal liberty above the general welfare.

In the field of public welfare Dayton is probably exceeded by few in the country. In addition to new parks, a bathing beach was opened which during the summer had an average daily attendance of 1800. River drownings numbered 13 before the park was opened in May and after that date only one. Children's playgrounds were increased from 14 to 28, all under paid supervision. The attendance for the summer was over 250,000 play days. Seventy-five families are cultivating vegetables on community gardens supplied by the city, and over 300 lots have been prepared for the use of individual families. There are 22 experimental gardens upon which hundreds of children are working under the supervision of an experienced gardener.

The workhouse has become an institution for reform rather than punishment; the men are working on the streets and parks, many without guards; some have been paroled to manufacturing concerns; the women are making clothes for prisoners and the Associated Charities. A free legal aid bureau has been established, the formation of a remedial loan association considered.

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