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of business. Real estate values have not decreased in Atlanta during the one and a half years of prohibition; but, on the other hand, they have been fully maintained, and are to-day the highest in the history of our city." The reference, however, to the nearbeer saloons exposes the weak spot in Georgia's prohibition which remains to be eliminated if there is to be a fulfilment of the purpose which prompted the original legislation. A still more interesting illustration to the same effect is to be found in Springfield, Ohio, which is dry under the operation of the Rose local option law, which makes the county a unit. Clark County (in which it is located) voted "no" late last spring; although the city of Springfield voted by several hundred majority to retain the saloons. According to a discriminating and unprejudiced observer, the results have been most satisfactory. The law became operative thirty days after the election. In the words of this observer :

“After a little while a 'Complete Reform League' was organized by three or four of the ex-saloon keepers. This employed a corps of detectives and several lawyers, proceeding to have Springfield, Ohio arrested each Sunday the cigar dealers, ice-cream


vendors and amusement park people. In the police court, presided over by a liberal Democrat, all these cases were indefinitely continued on the same terms as had been made by the Republican county prosecutor with the former saloon keepers. Lately the Complete Reform League has run out of money and its detectives and lawyers have resigned. Meanwhile, the fenced-in and boarded-up properties have become in so much demand for legitimate lines of business that little of it is vacant.

“There was a lot of loose talk about how the town would get along without liquor revenue but certain taxes were levied to provide funds with which to take its place. These were laid on vehicles, peddlers, etc. So far, there has been no revolution, and the city officials continue to draw their pay. Even the most ardent liquor man will admit that local business is as good or better than before the town went dry. The banks, especially, are having much heavier deposits than before. A new national bank was established by a group of wealthy farmers, by the way, the week after the election was held. Several of my friends, who were formerly in the saloon business, are now selling hats, groceries, insurance, etc., and, on the quiet, will admit that they are better off in every way than under the old deal. The law is pretty well enforced, though I can get a drink most any time I

want it. “Regulars' have the stuff at their homes, of course, and there is more or less travel to Dayton and Columbus for supplies.”

The Massachusetts No-License League has issued a summary of the past year in Worcester, which is the largest no-license city

in the world. According to this organization Worcester

arrests have greatly declined; for drunkenness, from 3,924 to 1,843; for assault and battery, from 382 to 263; for larceny, from 343 to 255; for neglect and non-support, from 112 to 87; for disturbing the peace, from 210 to 109. Patients in the alcoholic ward at the city hospital decreased from 274 to 144; and deaths from alcoholism, from 30 to 6. A special guard of 8 police, according to The Survey, has watched over illegal sales of intoxicants. 381 arrests were made, and 346 brought to trial. Of these, 51 were discharged and 241 convicted; the other cases being still unsettled. 2,625 search warrants were issued during the year and some places raided a dozen times to secure sufficient evidence. Massachusetts has 20 cities and 261 towns under no-license; and 13 cities and 60 towns license. The figures given for Worcester, however, do not tell the whole story; as correspondents from Providence say that that city has been converted into a dumping-place for the least desirable of Worcester's population, especially on Saturday nights and holidays. In other words, Worcester is benefiting through the elimination of its undesirable element and Providence is suffering by reason of its acquisition.

In the view of the Committee of Fourteen for the Suppression of the Raines Law Hotels in New York City, there is a growing

recognition by many of the clergy and those opSunday Selling

posed to the liquor traffic that six days' license and one day prohibition can not be maintained in a cosmopolitan city, and that it is better that liquor be lawfully sold under proper conditions on Sunday than by the means of speakeasies. These opinions are the results of the work of the committee and its attempt to pass the so-called Brough Bill, which secured strong endorsement in New York City, but for which the rural legislators were said to be afraid to vote. The Brough Bill aimed to make the Sunday sale of liquor no longer a special privilege of the hotel. The reasons used for taking this privilege away were two-fold: “First, because it encourages the creation of hotels which can be made profitable as vicious resorts; and, second, because the privilege puts at a disadvantage and practically forces out of business the saloon keeper who does not pay graft money to the police for the privilege of illegal Sunday sale. As a consequence this special privilege encourages vice and bribery.”

The Committee of Fourteen sets forth the existence of two needs: first, the enforcement of the law; second, the need of removing special and artificial privileges. As The Outlook pointed out,“ while the bill was before the legislature it has been charged with undertaking through this bill to extend the practice of selling liquor on Sunday. It does nothing of the kind, however. The practice of selling liquor is already established according to law in New York. What the Committee has undertaken to do is to see that a specially vicious kind of resort shall not have the special privilege of this practice. In other words, so far as Sunday sale is concerned, the bill does not extend Sunday selling but limits it.”

Last year a state-wide prohibition law was passed by the Alabama legislature; and a few months ago another state-wide bill, more drastic than the former, was passed; and on November 29th the state election will be held to decide whether state-wide prohibition shall be incorporated in the state constitution.18 The seniment of the people in the cities of the State is, in the judgment of one of the league's members, strongly opposed to prohibition in cities. This sentiment is especially strong in Mobile, one of

the larger communities, “ it being the opinion of Mobile

a large majority of citizens that local option, high license, restricted districts and limitations upon the number of saloons is a solution of the liquor problem. I am satisfied that the prohibition law in Mobile has so far been a failure. The governor is strongly in favor of state-wide prohibition, and has appointed a sheriff and state solicitor in this county who are pledged to exercise every effort to enforce the law. withstanding the crusade which is being made, the laws are not being enforced, and can not be, in my judginent, so long as public

18 The amendment was defeated.-EDITOR.

sentiment is in conflict therewith. Raids are being frequently made on “blind tigers "; liquors are being seized in various places in the city, as well as in wagons conveying liquor from the depot and other places; but there is still a large amount of public drunkenness, and the laws are being secretly violated.”

From Detroit comes word that it is to reap the benefit of the state-wide liquor law passed by this year's legislature. This law,

known as the Warner-Crampton Act, provides Detroit

that no licenses for opening additional saloons shall be granted where the ratio of saloons to population is as I to 500. Where, however, this ratio is exceeded, as it is in Detroit (the ratio is about i saloon to every 250 people), further relief is found in the provision which states that any person engaged in the liquor business who shall a second time be convicted of violating any of the provisions of the Act, shall thereupon forfeit his license.

With the exception of Boston, there have been few if any notable municipal events occurring in New England during the New England

past year. There has been a steady growth of

local sentiment in favor of material improvements, but none of special political significance. Boston has, however, furnished several contributions of sufficient moment to offset the lack in the other part of New England. There was a long continued and very animated debate concerning the recommendations of the Boston Finance Commission resulting in the action already noted in connection with the charter developments of the year. The Good Government Association has continued to play a conspicuous part in municipal politics. It was successful in electing all of its candidates by very handsome majorities. There were thirteen places in the board of aldermen to be filled, although each voter was entitled to vote but for seven. The seven men endorsed by the association were elected in the first nine places; in other words, there were only two men who received higher votes than the seven candidates advocated by the association, which has also taken a conspicuous part in backing up the recommendations of the original finance commission and in securing their enactment into law at the hands of the legislature.

Tammany was effectively defeated in New York at the recent election. It is true, its candidate for mayor, Judge Gaynor, was

elected; but the rest of its ticket was decisively Greater

defeated. Judge Gaynor was elected not because Now York

Tammany was particularly fond of him, or placed particular dependence in him, but because it was felt that his record would pull him through. As a matter of fact he was the only one of the general or Manhattan Tammany candidates elected.

On the other hand, the Republican-Fusion forces won a victory of far-reaching importance, in that they control not only four out of the five borough governments constituting the city of Greater New York, but control the Board of Estimate and Apportionment, which will have nearly a billion of dollars to spend during the next four years. Moreover, its candidates were of a high order of character and efficiency. Among those who were elected to office was George McAneny,19 former president of the City Club of New York, a thoroughly well-equipped man. He was for a number of years the secretary of the National Civil Service Reform League, and of the New York Civil Service Reform Association. He was also for a time the secretary of the Civil Service Board under Mayor Low. One of the Tammany leaders said when Mr. McAneny was nominated—“Well, if we are to have a president of the City Club as a borough president, we might as well go out of business.” This is just what the Borough of Manhattan (old New York City) will have during the next four years.

Mr. McAneny's colleagues on the successful ticket were largely men of high character and real efficiency, as was also Otto T. Bannard, the mayoralty candidate. With the government of the city of Greater New York, and of the boroughs, in the hands of men of the McAneny type, and with Judge Gaynor in the mayor's chair, Tammany has very little to look forward to in the way of aid, sympathy or patronage during the next four years; for it can hardly be expected that Tammany will be able to control Mr. Gaynor to any considerable degree, unless his character for independence has undergone a radical change.

19 A vice-president of the National Municipal League.-EDITOR.

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