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not believe that we will get the town meeting spirit. I do not want to be understood as desiring to bring about universal equality or anything of that kind; I am merely saying that in order to develop the old town meeting spirit we have got to use these public school buildings as a common ground on which people can stand on the same platform, and if one rises higher than the other it is because he is taller or stands straighter, not because he is on a pedestal. [Applause.]

Pres. BONAPARTE: The hour of adjournment has come and the convention stands adjourned, to meet in joint session with the American Civic Association at 8:00 o'clock this evening.

SECOND JOINT SESSION.

TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 16, 1909, 8 P. M. The second joint session of the National Municipal League and the American Civic Association was called to order by President Bonaparte of the League, who presided during the evening.

PRES. BONAPARTE: We have a display this evening of the somewhat unusual virtue of punctuality because our first speaker is about to commit the unpardonable offense of leaving Cincinnati by an early train. I will not, therefore, bestow on him the eulogium which I had intended to give him the benefit of, but will on the contrary express my opinion of him after he has concluded his speech.

I take great pleasure in introducing to you Congressman William S. Bennett, of New York, who will speak on “The Effect of the Immigrant on Municipal Politics”-a member of the Congressional Committee on Immigration. [Applause.)

MR. BENNETT: The fact that Attorney-General Bonaparte intends speaking concerning myself immediately at the conclusion of my remarks puts me in rather an embarrassing position, for I shall have to leave any way, and all the way to New York I shall be tormented with curiosity as to the exact measure of opprobrium in which I was held up in my absence.

Mr. Bennett's paper is printed in the Appendix.

Congressman Bennett while reading his paper interpolated other matter, as follows:

34 per cent of the immigrants who come to this country stop at New York City, and amongst these are those who have the least money and find it the hardest to get along. Very possibly we get the immigrant at his worst in New York City.

Although we have nearly thirteen hundred voting places in New York City, Mr. Hearst did not spend one single dollar to watch the vote or count on election day and still received and had counted for him one hundred and fifty thousand votes.

Mr. Gaynor, the Tammany candidate, made two speeches, in one of which he said that he would “wink both eyes on Sunday"; in the other he said that "he did not believe in a man being arrested for a little thing like tapping his neighbor on the head.” That is a direct appeal to lawlessness. It was made for the purpose of influencing the foreignborn. We came out, of course, in opposition to that. Mr. Hearst in his newspapers came out in violent opposition to that, and said that that was not personal liberty but it was license, and the foreign-born stayed by him instead of being attracted by the brutal appeal.

We put an estimable Hebrew gentleman, a good lawyer, on our ticket. We put several of them on in different places. Their vote did not vary. They were all successful, but so were their Christian colleagues; and their vote, out of a total which ran up into the hundred thousands, did not vary more than 1000 or 1500 in any extent.

PRES. BONAPARTE: We have all listened, I think with great interest, to our friend Mr. Bennett. I will very briefly supplement what he has said by two or three words on the lessons of the recent election in my own State and city as it was influenced by the vote of the foreign born citizens, especially of those comparatively recently naturalized.

I suppose that even the affairs of so comparatively an unimportant place as Baltimore, or Maryland, do percolate as far as Cincinnati, to the extent of your having heard that we had there to deal with a proposed constitutional amendment, intended practically to disfranchise the colored citizens. Four years ago a similar attempt had been made, at which time it was also attempted to virtually disfranchise the naturalized citizens. That was defeated by a large majority. This time the same proposition was submitted, with the votes of the naturalized citizens in great part protected, so far as those naturalized themselves or their immediate descendants, were concerned.

Nevertheless, it was found that the foreign born citizens in Baltimore, and especially those lately naturalized, objected to disfranchising anybody, I have mentioned these facts because it is a very important question as to the future of our country whether the process of Americanization, the process of converting the alien into the bona fide American was proceeding as rapidly and as thoroughly with the immigrants who now reach our shores as it did with those who came to us some generations back. I have seen and heard many pessimistic declarations on this question. A good many persons have said that while we could digest, so to speak, Germans, or English or the Irish, that when it came to converting into Americans, Poles and other Slavs, and Russians, and this great mass of Hebrew immigration, and the Italians who came in large numbers, we would find in a few years that our national character had been materially changed, and changed for the worst.

possibly thinking that if the party which proposed Foreign-Born the disfranchisement of the negro and had also proVoters in posed their own disfranchisement four years ago, after Maryland it had in fact disfranchised the negro and thus gotten

rid of part of the hostile vote, it would be their turn next when an opportunity occurred, which would be the case in two years. In fact, that idea was suggested to them; and they appeared to have accepted the suggestion. They showed very clearly by their votes that they were not susceptible to the charge of being influenced by religious prejudice. They included a large number of Hebrews, for the most part Russians or Polish; and although there was a Hebrew candidate for judge on the ticket of each party, those two gentlemen were both defeated; and it seemed quite evident that in one of these cases at least the result was due to his having lost the votes of his co-religionists.

It would be a very wide generalization to say that this was true or false; but so far as we can judge I think everything tends to show that it is an error, that the apprehension is unfounded, and that the admirable assimilative processes of our orderly freedom are turning out Americans with as much facility as Dickens' sausage factory, which was capable of turning paving-stones into sausages. [Applause.)

I now have great pleasure in introducing to you a gentleman who has a great many things to answer for; and among others the fact that for several of the most important years of my life I was under his care. I present to you President Eliot, of Harvard, who will speak to you. [Applause.)

Ex-president Eliot was received with prolonged cheering, the assembly rising in his honor.1

You have heard from President Eliot how important a part of the policy of conservation it is to promote and enforce the principles of “The Square Deal” among individuals. Undoubtedly the government which does that does something to advance not merely the moral, but the material welfare of the nation and which cannot be done by any captain of industry or generalissimo of finance, or by any man or body of men, except those who promote righteousness.

But there is another side to the policy of conservation. It is the duty of the government also to enforce a Square Deal” toward the people of the United States, considered not merely as a sovereign but as a great land-owner owning an immense tract of the earth's surface which it holds as a trustee for the benefit not only of the men of to-day but of the un-numbered generations of men who will live in our land hereafter.

I doubt if every one present realizes what vast tracts of land have been taken away from the people of the United States as their owners by crooked deals.

Something was said by our friend Mr. McFarland yesterday of the

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1 Dr. Eliot's address on Conservation will be published by the American Civic Association.-EDITOR

lawless man who knew right from wrong without having to ask a lawyer's opinion. There have been a great many men who have shown that whether they knew it or not they do not care about the difference between right and wrong, but who asked the opinions of lawyers as to how they might do wrong with impunity, and through these opinions the American people have been defrauded of an almost fantastic amount of property in the form of public lands.

We now ask you to listen to some words on the subject of the “Conservation of Public Lands," from one who has not indeed the responsibility of having been my preceptor, but who had the misfortune for some two years to have me as a colleague.

I present to you your own fellow-citizen, Hon. James R. Garfield. [Applause.)?

Pres. BONAPARTE: In order to promote that great form of conservation which consists in preserving the health of the individual citizen, this meeting will now adjourn, to enable those present to take the rest required after the intellectual exercise of the evening. [Applause.)

The joint session then adjourned.

WEDNESDAY YORNING SESSION.

WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 1909. The Conference met pursuant to adjournment, President Bonaparte in the chair.

PRES. BONAPARTE: The first business in order is the report of the Treasurer, Mr. George Burnham, Jr., Philadelphia.

:

MR. BURNHAM: The fiscal year of the League ended on the 31st of March last. I will present the payments for that period, and then a supplemental report bringing it down to date, or nearly so.

TREASURER'S ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDING MARCH 31, 1909.

RECEIPTS. Membership dues

$6,339.00 Contributions

2,713.55 Receipts from book sales

570.32 Bill receivable

73.00 Interest from bank

20.55 Interest on bill receivable

1.46

$9,717.88 2 Former Secretary Garfield's address is to be published by the American Civic Association.

PAYMENTS.

Salaries and services

-$4,979.92 Postage

1,529.92 Printing and stationery

1,411.33 Publication and mailing of Proceedings—Providence Conference

1,284.05 Press Clippings

388.74 Traveling expense

319.81 Telegraph, telephone and messages.

103.52 Miscellaneous

242.78 Furniture ... Harvard Fund

28.10 $10,421.79

133.62

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TREASURER'S SUPPLEMENTAL ACCOUNT, APRIL 1, 1909 to Nov. 9, 1909.

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