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foot of this mount, and seeming fondly to cling around it, are not means of annoyance to you, but your coun
try's own means of distinction and defence. All is 30 peace; and God has granted you this sight of your country's happiness, ere you slumber in the grave for
He has allowed you to behold and to partake the reward of your patriotic toils ; and he has allowed us,
your sons and countrymen, to meet you here, and in the 35 name of the present generation, in the name of your country, in the name of liberty, to thank you !
But, alas ! you are not all here ! Time and the sword have thinned your ranks. Prescott, Putnam,
Stark, Brooks, Read, Pomeroy, Bridge! our eyes seek 40 for you in vain amidst this broken band.
You are gathered to your fathers, and live only to your country in her grateful remembrance, and your own bright example. But let us not too much grieve, that you have
met the common fate of men. You lived, at least, long 45 enough to know that your work had been nobly and
successfully accomplished. You lived to see your country's independence established, and to sheathe your swords from war. On the light of Liberty you saw arise the light of Peace, like
6 another morn, Risen on mid-noon ;'and the sky, on which you closed your eyes, was cloudless.
Brutus' Speech. ROMANS, countrymen, and lovers, hear me for my cause; and be silent that you may hear. Believe me for mine honour; and have respect to mine honour, that
you may believe. Censure me in your wisdom; and 5 awake your senses, that you may the better judge.--If
there be any in this assembly, any dear friend of Cæsar's, to him, I say, that Brutus' love to Cæsar was no less than his. If, then, that friend demand why
against Cæsar, this is my answer : Not that I loved 10 Cæsar less, but that I loved Rome more.
rather Cæsar were living, and die all slaves ; than that Cæsar were dead, to live all freemen? As Cæsar loved me, I weep for him; as he was fortunate, I rejoice at
it; as he was valiant, I honour him ; but as he was 15 ambitious, I slew him. There are tears, for his love;
joy, for his fortune ; honour, for his valour ; and death, for his ambition.-Who's here so base that would be a bondman ? if any, speak ; for him have I offended.
Who's here so rude, that would not be a Roman ? if 20 any, speak ; for him have I offended. Who's here so
vile, that will not love his country ? if any, speak ; for him have I offended.-I pause for a reply :
None! Then none have I offended.--I have done no 25 more to Cæsar than you shall do to Brutus.
tion of his death is enrolled in the capitol ; his glory not extenuated, wherein he was worthy; nor his offences enforced, for which he suffered death.
Here comes his body, mourned by Mark Antony; 30 who, though he had no hand in his death, shall receive
--the benefit of his dying--a place in the commonwealth ; as which of you shall not ?--With this I depart; that, as I slew my best lover for the good of Rome,
I have the same dagger for myself, when it shall please 35 my country to need my death. Shakspeare.
65. Chatham's Speech. Almost for the last time, lord Chatham displayed his admirable eloquence in opposing the address moved in the house of lords, on his late majesty's speech from
the throne in 1778. Some censure having been ex5 pressed on the employing of savages against the armies
of the insurgent Americans, the measure was defended by his majesty's ministers; and the pompous Suffolk, as he is described by Junius, declared that “ adminis
tration would have been highly reprehensible, if, en10 trusted as they were with the suppression of so unnatu
ral a rebellion, they had not used all the means to suppress it which God and Nature had put into their hands."--Lord Chatham rose, and said :
My lords,-- I cannot,-I will not join in congratula15 tion on misfortune and disgrace. This, is a perilous
and tremendous moment- it is not a time for adulation -the smoothness of flattery cannot save us in this rugged and awful crisis. It is now necessary to instruct
the throne in the language of truth. We must, if poso 20 sible, dispel the delusion and darkness which envelope
it; and display in its full danger and genuine colours the ruin which is brought to our doors. Can ministers still presume to expect support in their infatuation ?
Can parliament be so dead to their dignity and duty, 25 as to give their support to measures thus obtruded and
forced upon them ? Measures, which have reduced this late flourishing empire to scorn and contempt.
But, who is the man, that, in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of the war, has dared to authorize and 30 associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife
of the savage ? to call into civilized alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the woods ? to delegate to the merciless Indian the defence of disputed rights, and
to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our 35 brethren ? this barbarous measure has been defended,
not only on the principles of policy and necessity, but also on those of morality ; ' for it is perfectly allowable,' says lord Suffolk, “to use all the means God and Nature
have put into our hands !' I am astonished, I am 40 shocked, to hear such principles confessed, to hear them
avowed in the house, or this country. My lords, I did not intend to encroach so much on your attention ; but I cannot repress my indignation ; I feel myself impelled
to speak. We are called upon as members of this house, 45 as men, as Christians, to protest against such horrible
barbarity—that God and Nature have put into our hands! What ideas of God and Nature that noble lord may entertain, I know not; but I know that such
detestable principles are equally abhorrent to religion 50 and humanity. What! to attribute the sacred sanction
of God and Nature to the massacres of the Indian scalping-knife! to the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering, devouring, drinking the blood of his mangled victims! Such notions shock every precept of morality,
55 every feeling of humanity, every sentiment of honour.
These abominable principles, and this most abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation. I call upon that right reverend, and this most learned
bench, to vindicate the religion of their God, to support 60 the justice of their country. I call upon the bishops to
interpose the sanctity of their lawn, upon the judges to interpose the purity of their ermine, to save us from this pollution. I call upon the honour of your lordships to
reverence the dignity of your ancestors, and to main65 tain your own. I call upon the spirit and humanity
of my country to vindicate the national character. I invoke the Genius of the Constitution.
From the tapestry, that adorn these walls, the immortal ancestor of
this noble lord frowns with indignation at the disgrace 70 of his country.
In vain did he defend the liberty, and establish the religion of Britain, against the tyranny of Rome, if these worse than popish cruelties and inquisitorial practices are endured among us.
To send forth the merciless cannibal, thirsting for blood ! against 75 whom ? your protestant brethren! To lay waste their
country, to desolate their dwellings, and extirpate their race and name by the aid and instrumentality of these horrible hell-hounds of war! Spain can no longer boast
pre-eminence in barbarity. She armed herself with 80 blood hounds to extirpate the wretched natives of Mex
ico; we, more ruthless, loose these dogs of war against our countrymen in America, endeared to us by every tie, that can sanctify humanity. I solemnly call upon
your lordships, and upon every order of men in the state, 85 to stamp upon the infamous procedure the indelible
stigma of public abhorrence. More particularly, I call
Specimen of the Eloquence of James Otis. ENGLAND may as well dam up the waters of the Nile, with bulrushes, as to fetter the step of freedom, more proud and firm in this youthful land, than where she
treads the sequestered glens of Scotland, or couches her 5 self among the inagnificent mountains of Switzerland.
Arbitrary principles, like those, against which we now contend, have cost one king of England his life, another his crown--and they may yet cost a third his most
flourishing colonies. 10 We are two millions—one fifth fighting men. We
are bold and vigorous,—and we call no man master. To the nation, from whom we are proud to derive our origin, we ever were, and we ever will be ready to
yield unforced assistance; but it must not, and it never 15 can be extorted.
Some have sneeringly asked, "Are the Americans too poor to pay a few pounds on stamped paper ?" No! America, thanks to God and herself, is rich. But the
right to take ten pounds, implies the right to take a 20 thousand ; and what must be the Ith, that avarice,
aided by power, cannot exhaust ? True the spectre is now small; but the shadow he casts before him, is huge enough to darken all this fair land.
Others, in sentimental style, talk of the immense debt 25 of gratitude, which we owe to England. And what is
the amount of this debt? Why, truly, it is the same that the young lion owes to the dam, which has brought it forth on the solitude of the mountain, or left it amid
the winds and storms of the desert. 30 We plunged into the wave, with the great charter
of freedom in our teeth,' because the faggot and torch were behind us. We have waked this new world from its savage lethargy; forests have been prostrated in our
path ; towns and cities have grown up suddenly as the 35 flowers of the tropics, and the fires in our autumnal
woods are scarcely more rapid, than the increase of our wealth and population.
And do we owe all this to the kind succour of the mother country ?
No! we owe it to the tyranny, that 40 drove us from her,—to the pelting storms, which invigorated our helpless infancy.
But perhaps others will say “We ask no money from your gratitude, -We only demand that you should pay