Phelps, Charles E., 108. "Phenomena of Ring Politics," 159. The new election law and, 139, 154, "Presidential Outlook," The, 172. The ethics of, 106; conduct of, in Bal- Prohibition Vote, 73. Promotions, Examinations for, 19, 102. Quinn, "Hack," 1, 28, 45, 127. Reasons for removals, 1, 7. State Convention," The, 114. "courtesy of," Report of, 74; editorial summary of "Reform Meeting at Oratorio Hall," "Reform Spirit at the Crescent Club," The, 49. Registration. See Annual registration. Reissett, Registrar, 79. Removals. See Reasons for removals. "Republican Bugaboo," The, 90. State platform of, 125; attitude of Rose, John C., 86, 103. St. George's Society, 171. St. John, John, 73. Saltonstall, Collector, 135. Schimp, Sergeant, 117. Schools, The Public, 83. taking out of politics, 51; terms of Schryver, Edson M., 46. Secret sessions of, 9; 94. "Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Judge Phelps on, 108; proposed in- on election crimes, 107; opinion of "Taking the Schools out of Politics," 51. "the tax exemption humbug," 37; Taylor, William W., 172. Telle, Emil, 81. Thomas, Douglas H., 21. Thomas, Morris A., 26, 62, 67, 84, 91, 128. Toadvine, E. Stanley, 31. Trimble, I., General, 137. "True Issues and the False," 140. Trust, George, murders Robinson, 84; appointed by Tuttle, General, 137. Tweed, William W., the Sun on, 16; and Maryland, 68. University, the Democratic, and "Fritz" Use of money in elections, 166, 174. Wallis, S. Teackle, 91, 146. West, D. Pinkney, 101. Western Union Telegraph Company, 37. Whyte, William Pinkney, address at Towson, 138; views as to Wich, Henry, 24. う THE LOMBARD INVESTMENT COMPANY'S Guaranteed 6 per cent. Mortgages are secured by FIRST LIENS on city or farm $850,000, and its surplus $193,710, making its guaranty amount to $1,893,710, as each stockholder is liable for double the amount of stock held by him. The mortgages negotiated by this Company have been bought by the shrewdest and most prudent investors and financiers of Baltimore, who have, by thorough investigation, fully satisfied themselves of the prudence and care with which the loans are made. No loan is made in excess of 40 per cent. of the value of the property loaned upon, such valuation being fixed by experts employed by the Company, who inspect the property personally and do not trust to a general valuation of the land in the locality where the applicant for a loan may live. The managers of this Company have, during the past thirty years, loaned for Eastern investors over twenty millions of dollars, and no investor, through them, has yet lost a single dollar of either principal or interest. Tproperties in the States of Missouri, Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska and Southern The Capital of this Company was on July 31st, 1356, The Bank Commissioners of New Hampshire, in their last annual report, stated the amount of loans held by the Savings Banks of that State, which were secured by mortgages on Western farms, as being $12,013,500.75, about 25 per cent. of the total deposits in the banks. They say "Foreclosed real estate has increased, during the year, about $40,000, the foreclosures occurring in New England mortgages. It is very seldom that a foreclosure is made on a Western mortgage, and when such cases occur, there are those who are prompt to redeem the mortgage and pay the loan and accumulated expenses to the bank." It must be remembered that most of the loans held by these banks are not guaranteed, which is an additional proof of the safety of investments in such mortgages. Throughout New England, for many years, tens of millions of dollars have been invested in these loans, and within the past two years the most careful managers of trusts in Philadelphia have bought the loans negotiated by the Lombard Investment Company to a large amount. Having personally inspected the manner in which the business of this Company is conducted, and, by interviews with the managers of rival companies, satisfied myself of the unfailing prudence of the management of the Lombard Investment Company, I now offer the loans to investors as absolutely safe securities which will pay 6 per cent. net. The mortgages range in amount from $300 to $10,000, and having a number on hand, I will be glad to show them to any investors and give any further information that may be desired. WM. WINCHESTER, Note and Investment Broker, 306 Second St., Baltimore. BOOKS, ETC., FOR THE HOLIDAYS. The subscribers have in store and offer for sale an immense stock of Splendidly Illustrated Works, STANDARD BOOKS, POETS, BIBLES, PRAYER AND HYMNALS, FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC STATIONERY, ETC., SETS OF ALL THE LEADING AUTHORS, An inspection of our stock is cordially invited from all in want of anything in our line, and which we offer for sale at very low prices. A stock for extent and variety equal to any to be found in the United States. CUSHINGS & BAILEY, PUBLISHERS, 262 W. BALTIMORE STREET, BALTIMORE, MD. THE RECORD OF THE YEAR. MAN ANY have heard of HE-NO Tea. Few, however, realize what it has done for the advance. ment of Baltimore's business interest, besides improving the character of the teas generally that are consumed in this section. The introduction of HE-NO Tea was the first attempt in America to fight adulterations, and to substitute purity. Strange to say, the trade laughed at the prospects of the effort. But success crowned the enterprise, and with success came imitation. We welcome the imitations. It is a sound old adage that imitation is the sincerest flattery. Failures are never copied. And there is room for all. What is more, success itself finds in competition only a spur. Without it HE-NO might not have reached its present excellence. We have told the people important facts in plain terms. Believing that exaggeration is a disadvantage to its maker, we have confined our statements to matters of proof. Honesty is a paying policy. Well, what have we done? We have largely increased the Tea trade of this city by drawing business from the far West and South. And this has been the work of HE-NO. We have increased the per capita use of Tea in this section by compelling competitors to give purer and better teas in order to keep pace with us. And this has been the work of HE-NO. What of the future? Our programme is "Forward and Onward" all the time. The business doubled within recent years we propose to double again. Tall talk and misrepresentation will not effect this aim. The means shall be continued improvement in the Tea itself. The public may entirely depend upon our assurance that HE-NO is a better Tea to-day than ever before. You ask, Why? Because we sell twice as much of it as we did two years ago, and this enables us to make better contracts in China, and at the same time reduce the profit. Being able to do it, we do it. It is an open secret, and this is the whole of it. MARTIN GILLET & CO. (Established 1811), BALTIMORE, MD. APR 7 1897 The Civil-Service Reformer. VOL. III. - No. 1. THE MONTH. BALTIMORE, JANUARY, 1887. ON. CARL SCHURZ discusses in another column, with his characteristic vigor and directness, the propriety and practicability of a law which will require political officers who are vested with the power of removing subordinates, to file among the public records of their respective offices a "reason" for every removal. It has long been an argument with persons who opposed any legal restriction upon the power of removal (on constitutional and other grounds) that proper restraints thrown around the power of appointment, preventing the choice of particular persons to fill particular vacancies, would destroy the main incentive to the removal of diligent, efficient and inoffensive public servants. But experience seems to have proved that, although the competitive system renders personal and partisan appointments difficult, and a fair observance of the law would render them nearly impossible, yet opportunities may still be found or forced, even in the classified service, for the dangerous exercise of this form of discrimination. Moreover, although the rules promulgated under the Pendleton Act expressly forbid partisan discrimination, the resort to it, in the absence of the publicity indulged in by our late Baltimore Postmaster, is difficult to detect or punish. If the plan proposed by Mr. Schurz is capable of adoption, this evil would be directly and effectually met. When the subject was previously discussed in our columns, we ventured to cast some doubts upon the possibility of a practical enforcement of such a provision, while heartily endorsing the importance of checking the evasion at which it was aimed. Mr. Schurz has met our a priori objections upon this point with the practical results of his own public experience when at the practical results of his own public experience when at the head of the Department of the Interior. Those of our readers who remember the success which attended his patriotic and intelligent efforts to improve the efficiency of the important branch of the public service then under his charge will be unwilling to question the soundness or value of any of his conclusions. THE significant and important movement lately set on foot by prominent and influential members of the Democratic party in Maryland, with the avowed purpose to recover back the management and direction of the party machinery from men who have unlawfully usurped its functions and converted its powers to improper and criminal uses, will awaken the prompt attention and interest of every friend of decent government in our midst, whatever may happen to be his political affiliations. While the movement is distinctly a partisan one, and as such invites the direct co-operation only of those connected with the Democratic party, it may nevertheless be based upon that healthy form of partisanship which this journal has always consistently defended, and may be the product of a manly and independent spirit which deserves the sympathy and respect, and we hope will eventually merit the support, of all public-spirited people. Whatever may be the future of the movement, its first steps have been taken under the guidance of men whose names ought to be a sufficient guarantee of its good faith and PRICE TEN CENTS. patriotic purposes. This journal hardly needs to assure its readers that any vigorous movement undertaken by earnest and capable citizens to rescue the politics of the State and city from the slough into which they have fallen will be warmly welcomed and, to the extent of its ability, supported by it. No fault can be found with the argument of the preliminary "address to the Democratic voters of the State of Maryland." It simply states, and perhaps understates, the crying political evils of the hour, and urges the application of well-known political remedies. It properly makes fair elections the paramount issue. This object must be attained before public measures of any moment can be attained or even aimed at. If a reorganized Democracy will lead the. way to such a goal, the members of all other parties can afford to bury for a time partisan ambitions and cheer it in If the movement but half fulfils its present promise, nothing less than hearty support and encouragement of it will be the part of patriotism and public duty. the race. ONE of the local mouthpieces and an appointee of the present Democratic Federal administration, the "Honorable Hack" Quinn, has already expressed his hearty disapproval of and contempt for the "irregular" movement, which we take as a favorable sign for it. Mr. Quinn, it will be remembered, was recently elevated by President Cleveland's administration from the position of deputy clerk of the Criminal Court to a clerical position in the office of Inspector of Boilers. As he is unable to write or cipher " with facility," he has deputed his son to perform his duties, and is therefore left at leisure to pursue his profitable business of legislative "broking," lobbying, etc., to pull the Ring wires in the Fourth Ward in company with Deputy Sheriff Trumbo, and to perform other "regular" duties; even, at times, to instruct the public upon questions of public morals. Here is one of his recent utterances : "That verdict in the McQuade trial was an outrage-a downright outrage," said Mr. Quinn, as he rose from a perusal of a newspaper article. "Yes: a downright outrage. If I had been on that jury, nothing on earth could have moved me to vote for that man's conviction. What has he done? Is it not conceded that the railroad for which he voted was a good thing for New York? I don't believe that the New York aldermen received a dollar before they voted for the franchise. Not a dollar, mind, was paid them in advance for their votes. The evidence showed that McQuade was in favor of the railroad long before the bill had been introduced, and he voted his convictions. Suppose he did get some money afterwards, what of it? It was not given him for his vote. It was a present. The people who wanted the bill passed felt grateful, and manifested their gratitude in a way they thought it would be best appreciated. The idea of convicting a man on such a charge! If I should to-night find $100,000 on the street, I wouldn't keep a cent of it. I should try my best to discover the owner and return him the money. That is one thing; but it is quite another to convict a man for accepting a present after doing what his conscience approved. We had the same excitement here many years ago over the Brock Bill. Men in this State were accused of taking money for voting for the bill, but everybody now acknowledges that the running of city passenger cars, as provided for by that act, was a good thing for the city; and what, then, was the use of all that fuss against the members of the Legislature who voted for it? It reminds me of the electric-light bill passed by the City Council some years ago. . . . The money which the New York aldermen are supposed to have received didn't belong to anybody in particular. If, after a man has voted his sentiments, some individual or corporation chooses to send him or his wife or other members of his family a present, where is the harm?" We hasten to acquit Mr. Quinn of any intentional humor. He has for a long time acted upon these principles in dealing with "public questions," to his own entire satisfaction. The same views are entertained or acted upon by threefourths of the men chosen by President Cleveland to attend to Federal business in Maryland. They form the chief supporting plank in the corrupt platform of Ring rule in the State. They ought to be inscribed upon all the battle-flags of her bosses, and written over the doorways of her political club-houses. But Mr. Quinn has chosen an unfortunate illustration of those views. Alderman Jaehne is within the "literary" Alderman Jaehne is within the walls of the State Penitentiary. Alderman McQuade is to follow him. Both of them acted upon Mr. Quinn's principles and found them to contain the seeds of death. SHERIFF FLEDDERMAN owes a debt of gratitude to the Baltimore newspapers (which he ought to repay by liberal advertising patronage) for the "easy way" in which they have handled his little election-day indiscretions, to which the public mind has been recently directed, or, let us rather say, from which public attention has been cunningly diverted. We print in another column a letter written to the Morning Herald by Mr. William L. Marbury, counsel for one of the witnesses before the Grand Jury, which the Herald refused to publish. It is a serious matter that we should find a sworn statement from two witnesses before the Grand Jury to the effect that the Sheriff attempted to bribe one of them to vote the Ring ticket by offering him the ticket in company with a two-dollar note. Both witnesses are said on good authority to be men of respectable character. We do not see that they have any motive for telling an untruth, and their statements are apparently consistent and rigidly adhered to. It has been further rumored that the Sheriff had supplied whiskey and cigars to judges of election while on duty. Here is the Sheriff's explanation, made to a reporter of the Herald: "How about the whiskey and cigars for the judges of election ?" was asked. "There is nothing wrong that I can see in that," Sheriff Fledderman replied. "It is not an unfrequent thing for refreshments to be sent to the judges of election. It has, in fact, been done time and time again. The whiskey came out of my private stock. There is no law against a private individual giving a friend something to drink on election day. The prohibitory law only covers the selling or giving away of it by keepers of drinking establishments." If Mr. Fledderman can "see nothing wrong in that," we see none in expressing our belief in the entire truth of his statement. But he must allow us to add that a man who, while occupying the position of Sheriff, thinks it proper for him to supply whiskey to judges of election in the very midst of an exciting political contest, can hardly expect to defend himself against a charge of bribery by urging the improbability of the charge. The purchasing of votes among ⚫a certain class of negroes has been long a common practice upon the part of his political allies, and, as he well knows, was largely relied upon by them to secure his own election. MANY-we hope a large majority-of the people of Maryland agree with the statement of President Cleveland's message to Congress that "the continued operation of the law relating to our Civil Service has added the most con vincing proofs of its necessity and usefulness." We do not believe that they have any desire whatever "to_submit_to the banishment of its underlying principle from the operation of their Government." They, therefore, regret that the President did not see fit to add to this statement an opinion, which Maryland experience has certainly given ground for, that continued and gross violations of the "underlying principle" of the reform by himself and his Cabinet, in branches of the public service not embraced within the present limits of the law, have “added the most convincing proofs " that those limits ought to be immediately extended. Unfortunately for the smallest claim that the President could at this date make to consistency, founded on his admirable "literary" support of the cause, the removal of General Appraiser Combs, under circumstances which bear the stamp of the most noxious features of the spoils system, was announced almost simultaneously with the appearance of the President's message. The manly and respectful letter of the dismissed Appraiser, asking for an explanation of his extraordinary treatment, surely deserved a reply. We can only find space for the following extract from the letter: If I had been guilty of the grossest misconduct, the manner of this suspension could not have been more summary and discourteous. I was about to commence the hearing of a reappraisement case at an early hour on the morning of the 1st inst., when an importer called my attention to a notice in the World of the appointment of my successor, Mr. Downes. Having the interest of the Government at heart, and not wishing to involve it in legal complications by performing the duties of an office the functions of which I might not even then have the legal right to exercise, I immediately telegraphed to Secretary Manning as follows: 66 Papers announce the appointment of General Appraiser at Baltieffect? Answer by wire." more. Shall I conclude unfinished cases, or has my suspension taken The public business of the already overcrowded General Appraiser's office at this port was thereupon suspended for several hours, until the arrival of General Appraiser Brower. I then waited until after office hours the following day; but, receiving no reply to my telegram, concluded to go to Washington to make inquiry whether any charges had been filed against me, and to ascertain, if possible, whether my suspension had taken effect. I failed to see Mr. Manning, who, I was told, was engaged on his annual report. I did, however, see Assistant Secretary Fairchild, who informed me that there were no charges against me, and that my removal was a matter of regret to him, and had resulted from some prior promise of yours. I called again at Secretary Manning's office to inquire whether my telegram had been received, and was informed by Mr. Brennan, his private secretary, that the Secretary had signed a telegram in reply to mine, which had been prepared in the Appointment Division, and returned there to be sent to me. Upon inquiry at that office, I was informed that they did not send it "because they feared it might complicate the appointment." Thus, a telegram, officially signed by the Secretary of the Treasury, upon important public business, was suppressed in the office of Mr. Eugene Higgins, Appointment Clerk. Mr. Combs was regarded by his superiors as a valuable public officer; he was selected by the Department for work of the most delicate and important character; he was entirely free from all taint of offensive partisanship. If Mr. Schurz's provision, requiring a reason for his removal to be put on record, had been in force, it would, if truthful, probably have read: "Removed to make a vacancy for Mr. Downes, a county politician, to whom Senator Gorman had promised something; said removal also being the result of some prior promise of the President to Senator Gorman." If this is not the patronage trade, what is it? Will such treatment insure good public servants? Will it promote harmony and efficiency in the public service? |