In order to the successful carrying on of its work, the Society should have at least $2,500 at its command during the current year. Members of the Executive Committee have already contributed liberally of their means, as well as much time and personal the necessary means at its disposal. Let the contributions be liberal, and be promptly MR. EUGENE LEVERING, Treasurer, No. 102 Commerce Street, City. H. O. STEBBINS.

sent to

WM. H. ROTHROCK.

DROP CABINETS,

TABLES,

SUPPLIES.

TYPEWRITER

OF THE

FINEST GRADES OF LINEN PAPERS.

SPEED, PERFECT ALIGNMENT, BEAUTY,

INTERCHANGEABLE TYPE.

Baltimore Office,

15 N. CHARLES ST.

JOHN P. SHRINER, Agt.

MANUFACTURER OF

Fine Single and Double COUPE and BUGGY

HARNESS.

RIDING SADDLES FOR LADIES AND GENTS; SOLE LEATHER, SARATOGA AND STEAMER TRUNKS; TRAVELING BAGS AND SATCHELS, HORSE COVERS, LAP ROBES, &c.

325 W. B'ALTIMORE ST.

Unfinished Business, Memorandums or Papers of any kind filed and brought before you at any time desired. No worry, no mistakes. TALL BROTHERS,

STATIONERS, PRINTERS, BINDERS,

S. E. COR. SOUTH AND SECOND STS., BALTIMORE.
THE WORLD TYPEWRITER, $8.00.

ESTABLISHED 1850.

HOLMES BROS. & CO.

Fine Silver Plated Ware,

NICKEL PLATING AND BRASS POLISHING.

No. 200 N. HOLLIDAY STREET,

BALTIMORE, MD.

Repairing and Re-Plating a Specialty.

Ist. To accept and execute trusts by will or otherwise.

2d. To act as executor or administrator.

3d. To act by order of court as receiver, assignee, administrator, guardian of minors, or committee of a lunatic.

4th. To act as trustee under mortgage for railroads and other corporations.

5th. To become the legal depository for executors, trustees, receivers, etc., and of money in suit by order of court.

6th. It will also undertake the care of property and collection of income of ladies and others.

7th. Safes for the safe-keeping of securities, etc., from $10 to $150. Storage for valuables of all kinds, in trunks, boxes and packages, for any length of time, on moderate terms. Boxes for deeds and papers $2.50 to $5 per annum.

COMPANY'S New safe DEPOSIT BUILDING,

N. E. Cor. Calvert and German Sts.

EDGAR G. MILLER, Vice-President.

JACOB I. COHEN, Secretary and Treasurer.

EDGAR G. MILLER,
JACOB I. COHEN,

C. RIDGELY GOODWIN,
JOHN T. MASON, R,

BOARD OF DIRECTORS:

BENJAMIN PRICE,
JOHN K. COWEN,
Jos. Friedenwald,

GEO. WHITELOCK, RICHARD K. CROSS, CHAS. W. SLAGLE, THOMAS HILL.

This Company examines Titles to Real Estate or Leasehold Property for purchasers and mortgagees, and issues a Policy insuring them absolutely against all loss by reason of any possible defect of title. The charge for Insurance (which includes all expenses of Examination) is On sums of $1500 or less, $15.00.

On sums of $1500 to $3000, one per cent.

On sums of $3000 and upwards, $30 on the first $3000, and one-half of one per cent. on the excess over $3000.

If, on Examination, the risk is declined by the Company, no charge whatever is made.

"WE HOLD THEE SAFE."

OFFICE OF

R. EMORY WARFIELD,

MANAGER

BALTIMORE DEPARTMENT,

Embracing Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and District of Columbia,

- OF THE

Royal (Fire) Insurance Co.

OF LIVERPOOL,

No. 15 SOUTH STREET, Baltimore, MD.

The Royal Insurance Company has the largest net surplus possessed by any Fire Insurance Company in the world.

Losses paid as soon as ascertained, without the usual discount for cash payment.

ALL CLAIMS ADJUSTED AND PAID AT THIS DEPARTMENT. For the protection of its policyholders the Royal Insurance Com. pany has

A CAPITAL OF TEN MILLION DOLLARS,

A NET SURPLUS OF over teN MILLION DOLLARS, CASH ASSETS OF OVER THIRTY MILLION DOLLARS. And in addition to the security offered by these vast resources, all of the stockholders of the Royal Insurance Company are individually responsible to the full extent of their fortunes for its liabilities. TELEPHONE NO. 918.

VOL. IV. No. II.

THE MONTH.

BY

Y the death of Wm. T. Hamilton, Maryland loses a fearless, upright, and patriotic citizen, and the cause of civil service reform one of its oldest and staunchest friends.

Ex-GOVERNOR T. M. WALLER, of Connecticut, now Consul-General at London, who has returned to this country on leave of absence from his post, has declined to appear as a partisan orator in the pending presidential canvass. Governor Waller is known as an ardent Democrat and a captivating speaker, and the temptation to enter into the campaign must have been strong with him. Nevertheless, in a despatch to the Department of State requesting leave of absence, he wrote: "I need not, I hope, say that I have no intention to take any part in the pending political canvass while I am a United States Consul-General, except as a voter."

In a letter written after his return to this country, Mr. Waller inquired of the Department of State as to the propriety of his adhering to that intention. To this letter he received the following reply from the Acting Secretary of State, Mr. G. L. Rives:

PRICE TEN CENTS.

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC COMMITTee.

The rooms of the Advisory Committee and Treasurer for the District of Columbia are at 939 F Street, N. W., second floor. Maj. Charles S. Jones will be in attendance from 8 A. M. until II P. M., and has authority to receipt for all contributions made to him. Remittances by mail should be addressed to James L. Norris, Advisory Committee and Treasurer, Lock Drawer 322, Washington, D. C., and will receive prompt acknowledgment.

STATE DEMOCRATIC EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, ALEXANDRIA, VA., October 4, 1888. Dear Sir-The importance of the interests at stake to all of us in the coming election cannot be overestimated.

The legitimate expenses of the campaign are heavy, and the demand for documents and campaign literature unprecedented. The committee stands in urgent need of all the aid its friends may feel

able to extend to it.

while denouncing these acts of their opponents, have themThe Republicans, according to the New York World, selves systematically assessed such members of their own

who refuse to pay with dismissal in the event of Harrison's election.

MR. SCHURZ very justly took to task the German news

of the United States an honest and just administration, and to leave them free at the end of his term to express themselves for or against the record so made, without official interference or instruction.

The spirit displayed in these two letters is in the highest degree creditable; and it is the hope of civil service reformers everywhere, that before many years it will be considered gross impropriety in public officials whose duties are not strictly political, to meddle in any way in questions upon which the great body of their employers-the people-are divided into parties. Until such a frame of mind as these letters present becomes general in public officials, one of the great objects of the reform will remain unattained.

THERE seems to be pretty good evidence to sustain the assertion that both the Democrats and the Republicans have made considerable efforts to extract funds for political purposes from the clerks in the departments at Washington. It is said in the newspapers that the following circular has been sent to many of the Federal employees:

DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE, No. 10 W. TWENTY-NINTH STREET, NEW YORK, October 10, 1888. Dear Sir-I would be glad to see you at my room at the Arlington Hotel, Washington, D. C., on Saturday, October 13, 1888, between the hours of 12 and 3 P. M.

the United States was a mere matter of bargain and sale. It is true that of the eleven million votes which will be cast next Tuesday, probably as many as one in a hundred will be purchased, but the result of the election is not at all likely to be altered by the purchase. It is, however, an unpleasant truth that the whole character of a presidential campaign is controlled by the fact that one hundred thousand votes are bought and sold, and in consequence of this, each party is compelled to put in charge of its canvass some of its most unscrupulous members. Two of the most prominent managers for the Democrats this fall are Wm. H. Barnum, who entered political life by buying his way into Congress as the representative of a close Connecticut district, and whose whole subsequent career has been of a piece with its beginning; and Arthur P. Gorman, whose name the country over is now the synonym for all that is of evil report in politics. In command of the Republicans who will cast their ballots for General Harrison is Matthew S. Quay, who, taught under the Camerons in the corrupt school of Pennsylvania politics, has already shown himself both in cunning and. unscrupulousness the superior of his instructors. Each party affects to be shocked at the shamelessness of the other in selecting such unsavory leaders as these, but it is to be feared that a large part of each of them is secretly hoping that their own chief will succeed in taking some unfair advantage of his adversaries. The selection of such men as Gorman and Quay for the sort of positions they hold is neither accidental nor exceptional. As politics are now conducted, there is dirty work to be done and dirty men are

needed to do it. It has already been said that in all likelihood the vote-buying will not alter the result of the presidential election, but that it will not is due entirely to the fact that one side will buy just about as many votes as the other. If either side should be too virtuous or too poor to go into the vote market it would almost certainly be beaten. For example, at no presidential election since 1872 has Indiana ever given seven thousand plurality for any candidate. The total vote of Indiana this fall will be over five hundred thousand. Less than one per cent. of the voters transferring themselves from one side to the other would change the result. That one man in a hundred is willing to sell his vote is not surprising, but the fact that one man in a hundred in Indiana is willing to sell his vote makes it certain that each political party will put upon its campaign committee men. who will buy all the votes they can. So long as buying at the polls goes on, so long will the people who carry on political campaigns be unscrupulous, and so long will the influence which such unscrupulous men inevitably acquire from their connection with the canvass be used to still further

lower and degrade the whole tone of our public life. How to stop the purchase of voters is one branch of the still larger

question as to how the present enormous cost of election can be reduced. It is a question, too, which is coming forward

managers to oppose his re-election. If, as seems not unlikely, Tammany once more gets control of the city government when a Republican endorsement of Hewitt would certainly have assured Mr. Hewitt's re-election, there will be a fresh illustration of the disastrous effect of introducing national politics into the management of municipal affairs.

IN the Sun of Tuesday, October 23, there appeared the following "Card" signed by some well known gentlemen, and bearing date January 9, 1886, or more than two years and a half prior to its publication:

The undersigned, members of the Baltimore Stock Exchange, do hereby certify that Jas. P. Thomas, who was the senior member of the firm of James P. Thomas & Son, which failed in the year 1875, was at the time of the failure of his firm a member of our board, and continued as such for six years thereafter, until the year 1881, the year in which he died. During all that time no charge affecting injariously his personal or business character was lodged against him Ok

ANY MEMBER OF HIS FIRM.

A casual reader might be misled into the belief that some of these statements are inconsistent with the facts set forth in the protest of the Baltimore Reform League, published by

us in another column. It is therefore but just to the voters of the city to point out that:

which has been made by independent journals like Harper's Weekly, the Times and the Evening Post, cannot fail, it would seem, to draw away an appreciable number of voters; and in such a contest as the present one, every vote is of importance.

FAR the most interesting figure in American politics of to-day is Mayor Hewitt. His refreshing candor as to his views on questions of public policy, and his open and free denunciation of a powerful body of spoilsmen like Tammany Hall, are, perhaps, unparalleled in the politics of this generation. With what astonishment must our own politic townsman, Mayor Latrobe, read Mr. Hewitt's declaration as to an organization controlling 70,000 votes:

"The one dominant and ineradicable idea in Tammany Hall is that the city government exists for the purpose of securing office and patronage to its leaders and followers. To this idea the politics of the state and nation are always subordinated. This fixed and unchangeable purpose constitutes the great danger to the honest adminis tration of the city government, and when it has been successful it has covered the city with shame and filled its government with fraud." The great strength of Mr. Hewitt's position lies in the truth of this charge, and also in the general belief that he has administered the public affairs of New York as if they were the concerns of a great private business establishment. Few municipal officers have made such a complete renunciation of every demagogic means of affecting public opinion, or maintained such a strict adherence to what seem the best interests of the municipality. His success in this regard has been so signal that even his former rival, Henry George, admits his disinterestedness and commends his discharge of his functions, while the testimonial to his excellence afforded by the citizens' meeting which renominated him is of the highest possible kind. It is highly unfortunate that the exigencies of party politics should require the Republican local

Second. The card says that between the failure of the Mr. James P. Thomas, in 1881 (that is to say after the firm firm of James P. Thomas & Son, in 1875, and the death of had failed), "no charge affecting injuriously his personal or business character was lodged against him or any member of his firm." The signers undoubtedly meant that no charge had been lodged with the Stock Board, and in this sense the statement may be true, but no one denies that grave charges, "affecting injuriously the personal and business character of" the bankrupts, were "lodged" with the United States District Court or have been publicly made by responsible persons elsewhere. Under what circumstances this carefully worded document was obtained nearly two years ago we are left to conjecture, but the purpose of its publication at present is sufficiently obvious. It is an attempt to sustain by a transparent evasion a reputation hopelessly blemished among well-thinking men.

IN THE CONFESSIONAL.

N the September number of THE CIVIL-SERVICE REFORMER, in teferring to the applications which have been addressed to the Governor to interpose his clemency by pardoning three election officers, convicted of gross and deliberate frauds in the municipal election of 1886, we cited a passage from a letter addressed to his Excellency by Mr. Prosecuting Attorney Kerr. We had not space, at the time, to do more than briefly allude to it, and it is worth recalling to the attention of our readers. It contains the curious suggestion that strength is given to the application of the criminals in question for executive clemency, by the fact that they had refused to turn state's evidence. We cannot refrain from remarking that, however creditable such a refusal might be in the eyes of those who think that there ought to be "honor among thieves," it appears rather odd that the State's officer, whose business it is to convict guilty people, should