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King William no Friend to Religious Liberty.

Baxter, has not ventured to notice, that Mr. Elwall refers in his "Declaration against all the Kings and temporal Powers under Heaven." I quote his third edition, 1734, pp. 16, 17. He is there addressing Geo. II., whom he had challenged out into James's Park," to settle the question of Christian freedom from civil controul, not bringing his "ugly carnal sword” but “pure spiritual weapons." To his " royal friend," his Lord and King in all temporal things," Elwall says:

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"Thy great predecessor King William, the glorious William, when the priests here, joined by some Dissenters too, solicited him to persecute the Socinians, a people that began to see a few of those monstrous doctrines of trinity, transubstantiation, absolute election and reprohation, infinite satisfaction, imputed righteousness, making the Most High God, the holy One of Israel, to be a plurality of persons, and making God to have a couple of equals (and some more such jargou as above); but his generous soul, that had breathed in a freer air, gave them this truly Christian and courageous answer, That he would not do the priests' drudgery."

Unfortunately for these fine speeches, attributed to King William with "simplicity and godly sincerity," by a triumvirate of exemplary Christian confessors, before whom too many "names of awe and distance here" will, at least, hereafter "rank with common men;" a plain tale is sufficient to put them down. We read, "Feb. 17, 1698," of "an address of the Commons" to the King "for suppressing all pernicious books and pamphlets containing doctrines against the Holy Trinity, and other fundamental articles of faith, and for punishing the authors and publishers." We next learn the conduct of this prince who "was not willing to be made a persecutor," or to "do the priests' drudgery." After a week's consideration, "Feb. 24, a proclamation was issued accordingly then follows, "An Act for the more effectually suppressing Blasphemy and Profaneness," inflicting on all Unitarians, as well as Unbelievers, who were not content to enjoy their "private opinion," the penalties of imprisonment and confiscation. (Chron. Hist. I. 291, 292.)

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That William III. had not always "suffered himself to be prevailed

VOL. XVII,

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upon," but could, on other occasions, freely exercise his prerogative, by objecting to comply with addresses, .or to pass bills presented by the Parliament, sufficiently appears from various transactions of his reign. In 1692, he refused the royal assent to a "Bill for frequent Parliaments;" in 1693, to "a Place-Bill;" and in 1694, to "a Bill for free and impartial Proceedings in Parliament;" facts which justify Mrs. Macaulay's remark, in her Letters, on "the History of England," (1779, p. 144,) "that the enfarging civil liberty was not the errand for which William undertook so hazardous and expensive an enterprise as the invasion of England."

Nor, among the royal refusals, can it be easily forgotten that King William, "not willing to be made a persecutor," determined to suppress the inquiries urged by the justly indignant Scottish Parliament, respecting the barbarous massacre of Glencoe. Burnet acknowledges, (O. T. II. 156,) that "the King seemed too remiss in inquiring into it ;" and, (ibid. 162,) that "the libellers" (as the exposers of "wickedness in high places" are generally described by courtiers of various moral temperament, from Burnet down to Londonderry) were "furnished with some colours in aspersing the King, as if he must have been willing to suffer it to be executed, since he seemed so unwilling to let it be punished."

Some of your readers can look back, not without pensively-pleasing recollections, to a period, when "the glorious and immortal memory of King William" was annually celebrated by the most enlightened friends of liberty Should those and of human kind. readers, or any others be prepared and inclined to shew that I have ill-appreciated the King's character, and especially that he deserved the commendation of such men as Emlyn, Elwall and Lindsey, I shall thank them for an opportunity of correcting my judgment, on a question of some importance in the British History.

J. T. RUTT.

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outrage on the consciences of his clerical brethren at Exeter: "1688, Nov. 9. The first thing his Highness did, was to go and pay his grateful acknowledgment to Almighty God, and to cause Te Deum to be sung in the Cathedral Church for his safe arrival. After the Collects were ended, Dr. Burnet began to read his Highness's declaration, at which the ministers of the church, there present, were so surprised that they immediately left their seats and went out; however, the Doctor continued reading, and the declaration being ended, he said, God save the Prince of Orange, to which the major part of the congregation answered, Amen."

P. 1. "The Nonconformist" has well chosen, in the Italian Reformation, a subject unacountably overlooked, so far as I have observed, by our ecclesiastical historians. I had occasion to make this remark in Vol. X. of Priestley's Works, where, at p. 290, some of your readers may find a note on the subject.

I there quoted the complaint of Cornaro, on a sober life," in 1549, that l'opinion Lutherana was one of tre mali costumi which then prevailed in Italy. The other two were l'adulazione, et la ceremonia, and la crapula (intemperance). This, Cornaro at tacked, in his Discorsi della Vita Sobria, the English translation of which is a very common book. As to the other two, the noble Venetian fondly predicted, (for he says, son certo,) that some great genius, qualche gentile spirito, would soon appear, to oppose and drive them from society, levarle dal mondo.

Alas, for the credit of Italian prophecy, a third century is wearing away while we wait the advent of qualche gentile spirito. Still l'opinion Lutherana proceeds; nor (judging from the Styles very lately displayed at Brighton, according to the Morning Chronicle,) does l'adulazione retrograde.

In the note to which I have referred, I also mentioned an Italian Testament, printed in 1551, at Lyons, as translated from the Greek; a mode then, I apprehend, peculiar to the Reformers, for whose use, in Italy, it was no doubt designed. I also referred to Clarke's Persecutions, 1651, (pp. 231 -241,) for an account of martyrs in Italy, from 1546 to 1560. A Papist,

whom he quotes, says their executions "resembled the slaughter of calves and sheep."

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P. 3, col. 2. "John Valdesius or Valdesso," of whom, I think, there is some account in one of your early volumes. Walton, in his "Life of Herbert," on the authority of Mr. Farrer, who translated the "One Hundred and Ten Considerations," describes "John Valdesso" as a Spaniard," who "had followed Charles V., as a cavalier, all the time of his long and dangerous wars." At length he resigned his appointments to the Emperor, saying, "there ought to be a vacancy of time between fighting and dying." If this account, which I have also seen in some writer quite as early as Walton, be correct, he was not merely a civilian" and “private secretary" to the Emperor. Yet Sandius, I observe, who claims Valdesso as an Anti-trinitarian, gives no hint of his military character. Young, I see, in his Centaur, (Letter II., on Pleasure,) refers to the story, with some variations, thus addressing a gay assembly: "Ye fine men of rank and parts, a common soldier, (your contempt no doubt,) shall reproach you.' One of them, requesting dismission from Charles V., gave this reason for it: Inter vitæ negotia, extremumque diem oportet aliquod temporis intercedere. Much more inter vitæ voluptates, and our last hour;" as if fighting, were much more rational and praiseworthy than "dancing, into death."

P. 6. Dr. Morell's valuable remarks on a highly important subject, remind me of an anonymous publication, so early as 1648, which has been long known as the production of Sir William Petty. It is a pamphlet of four sheets in small quarto, entitled, "The Advice of W. P. to Mr. Samuel Hartlib, for the advancement of some particular Parts of Learning." I had once the curiosity to examine it at the British Museum.

After proposing "that proper persons be employed to collect from books all real and experimental learning contained in them, in order to facilitate the way to farther improvements," the author recommends "that there be instituted Ergastula Literaria, (literary workhouses,) where children may be taught as well to do some

Sir W. Petty on Literary Workhouses, &c.

thing towards their living, as to read and write," and "that all children of above seven years old may be presented to this kind of education, none being to be excluded by reason of the poverty and unability of their parents, for hereby it hath come to pass, that many are now holding the plough, which might have been made fit to steer the state."

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The author proceeds to recommend that "such poor children be employed in works, whereby they may earn their living, equal to their strength and understanding. And if they cannot get their whole living, and their parents can contribute nothing at all to make it up," that they stay somewhat the longer in the workhouse." He further recommends, "that they use such exercises, whether in work or for recreation, as tend to the health, agility and strength of their bodies;-that they be taught to read by much more compendious means than are in common use, which is a thing certainly very easy and feasible ;”– and "that the elements of arithmetic and geometry be by all studied, being not only of great and frequent use in all human affairs, but also sure guides and helps to reason, and especial remedies for a volatile and unsteady mind."-Advice, pp. 3-5.

Such, at the age of 25, without the benefit of an example, and with scarcely a coadjutor, was the anticipation of improvements, reserved for a distant generation, but now contemplated by this almost universal genius. In Ward's Gresham Professors, p. 223, the Advice is mentioned as the earliest of the author's publications. I cannot help remarking how highly honoured was Mr. Hartlib, by the confidence of such a triumvirate, as Boyle, Milton and Petty!

P. 20. I thank Mr. H. Taylor for his information. Since I mentioned Dr. John Taylor's pamphlet, I have found "A Letter to the Society of Protestant Dissenters at the Octagon in Liverpool. London, 1766." This pamphlet contains an introductory letter inviting to an examination of the subject of baptism. This is followed by a letter from "A Pædobaptist," with a reply, both which had appeared, October, 1765, in the General Even ing Post, the first letter being occasioned, by an advertisement in that

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paper, from Dr. Gill, in which he asserts that "the Pædobaptists are ever restless and uneasy, endeavouring to maintain and support, if possible, their unscriptural practice of infantbaptism; though it is no other than a pillar of Popery."

Then follows (p. 26) the "Copy of a Letter published in the Whitehall Evening Post, Sept. 17, 1747, with Notes by the Author." This is a severe charge of inconsistency against the Dissenting gentleman (Mr. Towgood) for his zealous defence of Infant-Baptism, compared with his assertion of Christ's sole authority, in reply to Mr. White. The Dissenting gentleman is loudly called upon to explain himself. One of your correspondents can, perhaps, say who was the anonymous Letter-writer, and whether Mr. Towgood ever replied.

P. 50, col. 1. "The confounding of Wollaston with Woolston" was once very common. Mr. Clarke, in his Preface to "The Religion of Nature,” 1750, attributes the mistake not only to the similitude of names," but to the circumstance of both those writers having been members of the same college in Cambridge.

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Ibid. col. 2. Voltaire's last moments were not so described nearer the time of his death in 1778. Condorcet, in his Life, annexed to Vol. C. of his Works, (1792, p. 164,) says, not indeed much to the credit of Voltaire's sincerity, "L'Abbé Gauthier confessa Voltaire, et reçut de lui une profession de foi par laquelle il déclarait qu'il mourait dans la religion Catholique où était né." An earlier account, probably the earliest in English, (An. Reg. 1778, XXI. 4,) makes Voltaire reply to the question on the divinity of Christ: “Ah! M. le Curé, if I pass that article to you, you will demand if I do not also believe in the Holy Ghost, and so go on, until you finish by the Bull Unigenitus."

P. 52, col. 2. The late King's "bad education." In Lord Melcombe's Diary, (ed. 3, 1785, p. 171,) the Princess Dowager, in October 1752, says of her son Prince George, "that he was very honest, but she wished that he was a little more forward and less childish, at his age," (just past 14,) and “ that she hoped his preceptors would improve him," adding, in answer to

the courtier's further inquiries, that "she really did not well know what they taught him; but, to speak freely, she was afraid not much; that they were in the country, and followed their diversions, and not much else that she could discover."

P 52, col. 2. "The Bishop of Peterborough, Mr. Stone and Mr. Scott." The Princess (Diary, 172) says, "that Stone was a sensible man, and capable of instructing in things, as well as in books-that Scott, in her opinion, was a very proper preceptor; but that for the good Bishop, he might be, and she supposed he was, a mighty learned man, but he did not seem to her very proper to convey knowledge to children; he had not that clearness which she thought necessary; she did not well comprehend him herself, his thoughts seemed to be too many for

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This Prelate has been exalted, apparently with great justice, to " a bad eminence," by Wakefield, in his Memoirs, 1. 15, 16. He is there represented (from his treatment of my friend's father) as an "episcopal tantalizer," who made a common praetice of exercising the credulity and insulting the feelings of his inferior clergy."

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Remarks on our Lord's Question to
Peter, Simon, Son of Jonas,
lovest thou me more than these?"
John xxi. 15.
SIR,

January 2, 1822.
HESE words are capable of three

me more than thou lovest these things, thy nets, thy boats and thy fishing employment? (2) Lovest thou me more than thou lovest thy fellow-disciples? (3) Lovest thou me more than these love me? Is thy affection for me stronger and more ardent than that of Thomas and Nathanael, John and James, and those two other disciples (ver. 2) who have accompanied thee in this fishing expedition?

The first of these interpretations, "lovest thou me more than thou lovest thy nets, thy boats and thy fishing employment?"—has been adopted by Whitby and Pearce, and certainly has the claim of ingenuity to recommend it. Peter was by occupation a fisherman; and, judging from many little circumstances which are incidentally mentioned in the Gospels, was fond of his employment, and took a pleasure in it unconnected with any prospect of emolument. It was, therefore, reasonable, as well as natural, that Christ should endeavour to obtain from his own lips a confession that he was not less attached to the cause of the gospel than to his worldly occupation. Hence it has been thought, that, in the question, "Lovest thou me more than these?" our Lord had a reference to the instruments of Peter's trade; which are supposed to have been upon the spot where Jesus and his disciples were assembled at the time when this interesting dialogue commenced. But there is a delicacy and reserve in the Apostle's answer, the supposition that the question rewhich was altogether unnecessary on lated merely to his worldly occupation: for, though he promptly and unhesitatingly replies, "Yea, Lord!" the answer is afterwards so qualified as to exclude all idea of comparison between his love to Christ and other objects. It is also worthy of remark, that, in his subsequent answers, he repeats, without any material variation, what he had said in his first reply; cautiously avoiding that comparison, whatever it might be, which it was the design of our Lord's question to draw from him: "Lord, thou knowest all things; thou knowest that I love thee:"" As if he had said, “I am unwilling, after the severe trial which my fidelity and attachment have lately undergone, and the imperfect manner in

displayed, to make any further professions; but, notwithstanding my three-fold denial of thee, at which thou hast manifestly hinted by thrice repeating this embarrassing question, I can affirm, with sincerity and confidence, that my love towards thee still remains unshaken." Now, had Peter attributed to our Lord's question the meaning assigned to it by the advocates of the above interpretation, it appears

Remarks on our Lord's Question to Peter, John xxi. 15.

to me that he could have had no diffi.culty whatever in returning a positive and distinct answer, and in expressly declaring that he loved his Lord more than his employment as a fisherman, or any other worldly occupation. On this account I feel a considerable degree of reluctance in adopting this interpretation; and this reluctance is greatly increased by the circumstance of Peter and his companions having quitted their vessel some time before our Lord began the conversation, and likewise of their having probably left their fishing tackle behind them when they came on shore.

The second interpretation-" Lovest thou me more than thou lovest thy fellow-disciples ?-is not liable to these difficulties. Jesus had just finished his repast with his disciples, and had begun a short but interesting conversation, by turning to Peter, and putting to him, in an abrupt and unexpected manner, the question which has given rise to these remarks. The Apostle instantly perceived the drift of this question, and was aware of the embarrassing situation in which it placed him. His reply, therefore, was more guarded and deliberate than usual. Jesus had said, on a former occasion, when he called his Apostles together and commissioned them to preach in his name, "He that loveth father or mother more than me, is not worthy of me; and he that loveth son or daughter more than me, is not worthy of me." (Matt x. 37.) The time had now arrived, when the necessity of acting up to the spirit of this injunetion was more imperative and binding than ever. But, instead of devoting himself exclusively to the support of his Master's cause, Peter was discovered among his old associates, pursuing his employment as a fisherman, and apparently forgetful of his duty as an apostle of Jesus Christ. With a view, therefore, as it would seem, to ascertain his comparative attachment to Jesus and his fishing companions, our Lord puts to him the question, "Lovest thou me more than these?" "Yea, Lord," replies Peter, "thou knowest that I love thee." Then says Jesus, "Feed my lambs." "Let not thy love for others exclude me from a place in thy affections; but love me through my disciples, and be assured, that when their interests are most

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effectually promoted, mine will be in least danger of being forgotten." Such appears to be the true interpretation of this confessedly difficult passage; and the grammatical construction of the clause, as it stands in the original, seems to me to require this interpretation: Ayanas me theloy TeTWY; The personal pronoun av is only implied in the termination of the verb: the emphasis, therefore, rests correctly and properly upon the word E. "Lovest thou me more than these?"

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On this account I feel strongly inclined to suspect that Doddridge and others are not justified in adopting the third interpretation,-" Lovest thou me more than these love me?" "The nominative of the personal pronoun,' says Matthiæ, (§ 465,) "is usually omitted with the personal termination of verbs, except where there is an emphasis, e. g. in an opposition, that is expressed or understood." It follows, therefore, that, where such opposition exists, the insertion of the pronoun is essential; as in the following instance: "All these have of their abundance cast in unto the offerings of God; but she (air) of her penury hath cast in all the living that she had." (Luke xxi. 4.) In this and other similar cases the opposition is marked by the insertion of the pronoun; and its absence in our Lord's question to Peter affords strong presumptive evidence against the correctness of Doddridge's interpretation.

Others have objected to this interpretation on different grounds, alleging that it was impossible for Peter to say whether his own love to Christ or that of his fellow-disciples was the stronger. He could have had no difficulty, it may be said, in affirming, that he was more attached to the cause of Jesus than to his employment as a fisherman, if he had understood the question proposed to him, as Whitby and Pearce have understood it: and he could easily have ascertained the comparative extent of his affection for Christ and his fellow-disciples, though he might be unwilling, on many accounts, to declare it in express terms in their presence. But he could not possibly have determined by any test but that of experience, whether his love to Jesus was stronger than that of Thomas or Nathanael, James or John. There appears to me, however,

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