inhabitants of Boston took up arms, the people poured in from the country, and the governor, with such of the council as had been most ac. tive, and other obnoxious persons, about fifty in number, were seized and confined. The old magistrates were restored, and the next month the joyful news of the revolution in England reached this country, and quieted all apprehensions for the consequences of what had been done. After having been kept at the castle till February following, sir Edmund was sent to England for trial. The general court about the same time despatched a committee of several gentlemen to London, to substantiate the charges against him.

The government was reduced to a most perplexing dilemma. If they condemned sir Edmund's administration, the sentence might be drawn into a precedent, and they might seem to encourage insurrection and rebellion in future periods, when circumstances did not render so desperate an expedient necessary. On the other hand, if they should approve of the administration of Andros and censure the proceedings of the colonists, it would imply a reprobation of

the very measure which had been pursued in bringing about the revolution in England. It was therefore considered prudent to dismiss the business without coming to a final decision. The people were accordingly left in the full en joyment of their freedom, and sir Edmund, in public estimation guilty, escaped without cen

sure.

In 1692 he was appointed governor of Virginia, as successor to lord Effingham. This event was very surprising, and it was accounted for only on the supposition that the English ministry was composed of tories. He is not, however, represented as a bad governor in Virginia. He died in London, February 1714, at a very advanced age. American Biography.

No. III.

A declaration of rights made by the representatives of the good people of Virginia, assembled in full and free convention; which rights do pertain to them and their posterity, as the basis and foundation of government.

I. That all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of which when they enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing happiness and safety.

II. That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from, the people; that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all. times amenable to them.

III. That government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection and security of the people, nation, or community. Of all the various modes and forms of government, that is best which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety, and is most effectually secured against the danger of mal-administration; and that when any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, unalienable and indefeasible right to reform, alter, or abolish it,

in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal.

IV. That no man or set of men are entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services, which not being descendable, neither ought the offices of magistrate, legislator or judge be hereditary.

V. That the legislative and executive powers of the state should be distinct from the judiciary; and that the members of the two first may be restrained from oppression, by feeling and participating the burthens of the people, they should, at fixed periods, be reduced to a private station, return into that body from which they were originally taken, and the vacancies be supplied by frequent, certain, and regular elections, in which all, or any part of the former members, to be again eligible, or ineligible, as the laws shall direct.

VI. That elections of members to serve as representatives of the people, in assembly, ought to be free; and that all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and

attachment to, the community, have the right' of suffrage, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses, without their own consent, or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in like manner, assented, for the public good.

VII. That all power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by any authority, without the consent of the representatives of the people, is injurious to their rights, and ought not to be exercised.

VIII. That in all capital or criminal prosecutions, a man hath a right to demand the cause and nature of his accusation, to be confronted with the accusers and witnesses, to call for evidence in his favour, and to a speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he cannot be found guilty, nor can he be compelled to give evidence. against himself; that no man be deprived of his liberty except by the law of the land, or the judgment of his peers.

IX. That excessive bail ought not to be re