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eminence of which the most heroic and chivalrous age of the world might have been proud. Nor was this eminence the result of an ambition to obtain the smiles and favors of royalty, but to maintain the SOVEREIGNTY OF MAN, shadowed forth in the Declaration of Independence; it was to elevate the masses to that equality in the scale of being and enjoyment of human rights and civil privileges, which the Almighty intended in the creation of the human race. Glorious the contest which called forth the energies of our fathers to sustain ! Liberty and equality in the old world had been trodden down for ages. Until the fourth of July, 1776, there was no civilized nation on the earth where the masses were admitted to equal rights and privileges; and even those civil rights they were permitted to enjoy were considered as grants rather than as natural, inherent, or to which they were born, and existing only in grant were liable at any time to be recalled. Indeed, all through the dark ages, and since, the "divine right of kings" to govern was admitted to be the true doctrine of human government by Church and State.-Grecian liberty, such as it was, fell a sacrifice to Roman power, and for centuries Roman liberty existed only in name. At length, all was buried in papal darkness and superstitions. The union of church and state, under Constantine, after he embraced christianity, resulted in a death blow to liberty and true religion. It would indeed be difficult to decide from which christianity received the greater injury, from Pagan or Papal Rome. For more than six hundred years, from the year 600 to 1200 of the Christian era, gross darkness covered the political world, and the religious world fared no better. The great and glorious light which sprang up in the "hill country of Judea,” in the beginning of our present era, and which was set for the "light of the world," became all but extinguished during that period, at least so far as respected its beneficial influence upon mankind. Gross darkness covered the people. They knew but little more than their beasts of burden. They had but little knowledge of those natural rights with which the Almighty had clothed them, were studiously kept ignorant of all those

great truths which expand the soul; and of that noble destiny, for which man had been created, and probably would have remained so but for a providential discovery.

It has been said that during the dark ages, in the year A. D. 1130, long after the fall of the Roman empire, the Pandects of Justinian were discovered in an obscure town* in Italy, where they had lain concealed for centuries, and from this time learning began to revive. These pandects, among other things, contained a code of the "civil law," and the study of this alone was sufficient to awake men out of the sleep of

ages.

But it was not until the dawn of the Reformation, that men began really to feel and understand the end of their creation. Until this era, as has been remarked, the millions considered themselves as born "bridled and saddled" for the pleasure of the few "booted and spurred to ride." There seemed to be an impassable gulf between the privileged few and themselves. But the dawn of science broke the spell. In after times, papal infallibility and other religious dogmas could not stand before the artillery of Luther, and the doctrine of the divine right of kings was overthrown wherever it came in conflict with intelligence. Yet, strange to tell, two centuries have not yet passed away, since this doctrine was boldly maintained and considered orthodox in Great Britain, and in many kingdoms it is still so considered. But truth must and will prevail, for,

"The eternal years of God are hers,"

and it is nothing but the want of intelligence in the masses now, that prevents the downfall of tyranny throughout the world.

The doctrine of equal rights had been thoroughly discussed for a century before our Revolution, and the meaning of the old distich

"When Adam delv'd and Eve span,
Where was then the gentleman?"

was as well understood in the days of Oliver Cromwell, as it was in our own Revolution, or is now, and the truth that this

* Amalsi.

old saw teaches, stands at the head of our Declaration of Independence; and so long as it holds that position, there will be no danger of any hereditary distinctions. It is one of those "self evident truths" set forth in that immortal state paper, that "all men are created equal," and as long as this truth is acknowledged and made the foundation of political action, there can be no fear of any of those unnatural and invidious distinctions which are found in European governments, which the above old proverb virtually condemns; and our federal constitution wisely prohibits the United States, as well as any individual state, from making any such distinctions, or from granting any titles of nobility.

But we will proceed with our sketches. It seemed meet that we should run off our track a little to notice some remote historical facts, yet connected with the progress of liberty.

It would be an interesting yet arduous task to write out the lives of the Rhode Island officers of the Revolution, but we have not the materials or time for such an undertaking, nor did such a work enter our thoughts during our professional intercourse with many of them. We might have collected materials for an ample volume, had we entertained such a design, but our intercourse was mostly of a business character in the prosecution of their claims. Besides those who belonged to the Continental line of the army and the Rhode Island brigade of state troops, there were many officers in the militia whose conduct on many occasions was of the most meritorious cast. Among those we might mention were Col. Jabez Bowen, (afterwards Lieutenant Governor of the State,) who commanded a regiment in the winter of 1777, stationed at Pawtuxet: Col. Amos Atwell, of Providence: Col. Joseph Noyes, of Westerly, and Col. John Waterman, of Warwich-the latter commanded a regiment which drove the British from the Island of Prudence at the time Wallace landed and burnt the houses on the island. We might also mention Capt. Burrington Anthony, who commanded a company in Portsmouth at the time of the invasion of the island of Rhode Island, who was taken prisoner shortly afterwards and confined in prison for more

than a year, at Newport, for refusing to acknowledge George III. to be his rightful sovereign. He was repeatedly offered a release from prison if he would take the oath of allegiance, but he peremptorily refused.

There were also commanders of the minute men whose conduct was very meritorious;-among them we can name Capt. Elisha Waterman, of Cumberland, who distinguished himself in the skirmish on Prudence. Capt. Waterman afterwards represented the town of Cumberland in the Legislature. But we must stop and proceed to give some notices of the more distinguished officers in the army.

255

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.

GENERAL GREENE.

At the head of Rhode Island officers, stood Major General Nathaniel Greene. It is generally conceded, that in point of moral worth, and those talents so essential in a military commander, Gen. Greene stood second only to the commander-inchief.

General Greene was first appointed a Brigadier, in the "army of observation," of Rhode Island, in May 1775; but early in the revolutionary contest, he was promoted to a higher rank. On the 9th of August, 1776, he was promoted to the rank of Major General, by Congress. William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Greene, were all elected Major Generals the same day. The three first named, had the command of the troops in Rhode Island at different times, and in 1778, in Sullivan's expedition, Gen. Greene was on the Island of Rhode Island, and fought the battle on the 29th of August, with the British and Hessians.

On the 2nd of March, 1778, Gen. Greene was appointed Quarter-Master General, an office of great responsibility, but which he discharged with honor, and to the satisfaction of his country, until his resignation. On his appointment to this office, Congress further resolved, that he retain his rank, as "Major General in the army." Congress were determined not to lose his services in the Line, should they be wanted, and they were always in great demand. He was sent to a very important command, after this-to the command of the army in the south, where he gathered unfading laurels. Sev

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