com these schools are unassisted because the managers or patrons reject assistance, either from religious ference. These obstacles, however, are scruples or because their patrons dislike interparatively rare, and are rapidly diminishing. The great cause which deprives schools of Government assistance is their non-performance of the conditions on which that assistance is offered, a nonfulfilment of which the principal causes are poverty, smallness of population, indifference, or, as it has been lately called, apathy." quirements as to certificated and pupilteachers, it ought not to be denied the benefit of the Grant. But in order that no mistake should exist on this subject, which is one of great interest to those who feel the importance of connecting religious teaching with education, and which is especially important in regard to Church of England schools, we propose to insert in the schedule of the Bill the management clauses which relate to inspection both in Now, it cannot be denied that some of the respect to Church of England schools and conditions which are imposed on schools the schools of all other denominations. In seeking to obtain assistance from the State fact, the management clauses of the Church press somewhat severely on the small rural of England, of the Wesleyan, the Con- parishes; and we are led to the conviction gregational, the Roman Catholic, the Jew- that one principal cause of those schools ish, and other schools will be embodied in not receiving Government aid, and of the the schedules of the Bill exactly as they difficulties which they experience, is the stand and are at present used by those condition with reference to certificated various bodies. The only change which teachers. We do not propose to abandon will be made will be this, that if a purely the system of certificates. We regard that secular school presents its scholars for ex- system as of the most essential and vital amination, the State will not refuse to ex-importance. We are of opinion that if we amine and pay for the results of their teaching. I believe that will cause a large increase in the applications for a share in the grants. We have reason to believe that the number of schools brought under inspection by that alteration will be great, but it is now impossible fully to estimate them. They will be mostly schools promoted by the Nonconformist bodies. I believe the impulse which will thus be given to education amongst those bodies will be very great, because, owing to the religious scruples to which I have referred, they have hitherto failed to build schools and to exhibit that amount of educational enterprize which, when they feel that the assistance of the State is within their reach, they will undoubtedly display. The next point on which we feel that some change is desirable is in regard to the poorer districts. I have already spoken of the schools supported by bodies which are more or less wealthy, and which are not receiving State aid; but there is another class of schools-namely, those in the poorer and small rural districts. There we find at present existing a very large number of unaided schools. Sir James Kay Shuttleworth says― very were to abandon the system of certificates altogether a great part of the sum voted for public education would be wasted. One conclusive argument against such a change is the necessity of maintaining the pupilteacher system. The system of certificates exists in almost every country that has placed the education of its people upon a satisfactory and intelligible basis-in France, Switzerland, Prussia, Germany, and Holland. In all these countries the conditions with respect to teaching are more strict and severe than in this country. In some of these countries no persons are allowed to teach, either in public or private schools, unless they hold a Government certificate. Another objection to abandoning the system of certificates is that we should thereby lose that guarantee for good character and morality which it is most essential that teachers should possess. While we wish to see this system of certificated teachers maintained, I do not think that what I am about to propose will impair its efficiency. A good many schools. in small parishes find a difficulty in complying with the requirements of the certificated system. We propose to take a limit below which schools may receive a portion of the annual Grant without the numerous than those which are assisted, amount-employment of certificated teachers. I say ing to 15,952 schools, exclusive of 115 factory" a portion," because it would not be fair schools, containing 17,000 scholars, whereas the for them to receive the same proportion as assisted public schools are only 6,897. They are the others. If the change we propose is inferior, however, in the number of the scholars; carried out, it will not supplant the system those on the books of the assisted public schools "The unassisted public schools are far more being 917,255, those on the books of the 15,952 of certificated teachers, but it would act as unassisted public schools only 654,393. Some of an inducement to those parishes, and en able them to start their schools, and when they have had experience of the advantages of the Government Grant, it will encourage them to obtain a larger share of the Grant. We propose to take the limit which is adopted in what is called Mr. Corry's Minute, which was laid before Parliament last year, and which gives a grant of 1s. 4d. per head for passing in an extra subject. That Minute requires that a pupil teacher shall be maintained for every forty scholars after the first twentyfive, instead of after the first fifty, as in other schools. The object of that Minute was to aid the smaller schools. We propose to take the same limit, and to direct that schools below sixty-five shall be enabled to apply for inspection. When the school Inspector has reported that a school is suitable to be inspected by reason of its cleanliness, its building, and its space, the school will be allowed to present its scholars for examination in reading, writing, and arithmetic, and to obtain payment of 2s. 8d. for each subject, the further amount of 4s. being only paid in schools which have a certificated master and mistress. This arrangement will, we trust, be the means of bringing many of the smaller schools into participation with the Parliamentary Grant. We also propose to make some addition to the Building Grant; and I will ask for the attention of your Lordships to a very remarkable Return on this subject. I find that in the year 1853 the Building Grant was 48. per square foot of the school buildings. In 1860 it was reduced to 2s. 6d., and a very remarkable falling off ensued. Between 1850 and 1860 the Grant for building increased from £34,713 to £111,274. Between 1860, when the amount was reduced to 2s. 6d., and 1867, the amount fell off to £21,656. No doubt there were other causes to account for this reduction, because as so many schools had been built fewer remained to be erected. We consider, however, that it will be desirable to recur to the allowance of 4s. per foot for the Building Grant. Another change we propose to make regards evening schools. It is not very important, but we believe it will be of considerable benefit, as at present evening schools can only be inspected when they are held in the same premises as day schools which are already under inspection. We think that all evening schools which are properly reported upon, and which comply with the usual conditions, shall be open to inspection, and shall receive the grant whether they may be in connection with a day school or not. There is one other change of considerable importance. I refer to the Conscience Clause. Your Lordships are aware of what has hitherto been the practice in regard to the Conscience Clause. That has never been universally applied, except in cases where only one school can be supported in a parish, and where there is a sufficient proportion of Dissenters to make it apparent that their interests ought to be regarded. It was thought that a population of 900 and under could only support one school, and if it appears that one-sixth of the children at such school are the children of Dissenters, it has been thought equitable to apply the Conscience Clause in such cases. I think that where only one school is maintained in a parish the principle of a Conscience Clause is just and equitable. We think that the adoption of the Conscience Clause ought to depend upon there being only one school in a parish. We must remember that we are aiding denominational schools. We have never imposed, either upon the Church of England or upon the Wesleyans or the Dissenters, conditions that they were not disposed to accept. We have, on the contrary, desired to pay deference to their religious scruples. On the other hand, the Education Department, where only one school is maintained, in great part at the public cost, think that the Conscience Clause should be inserted in the deed. Objections, however, have been taken to the existing form of the Conscience Clause. I find, however, that the form has been taken from the Endowed Schools Act, which was passed with the sanction of the heads of the Church, and which enacts that "The trustees or governors of every endowed school are from time to time authorized and bound 'to make such orders as, whilst they shall not interfere with the religious teaching of other scholars as now fixed by statute or other legal requirement, and shall not authorize any religious teaching other than that previously afforded in the school, shall nevertheless provide for admitting to the benefit of the school the children of parents not in communion with the Church, sect, or denomination, according to the doctrines or formularies of which religious instruction is to be afforded under the endowment of the said school.'" The Wesleyan school precedent was to the same effect. It provided that— "No child shall in any case be required to learn any catechism or other religious formulary, or to attend any Sunday school or place of worship, to which respectively his or her parent or guardian shall, on religious grounds, object; but the selec- that a Conscience Clause should be inserted tion of such Sunday school or place of worship in the trust-deed of a school, two great shall in all cases be left to the free choice of such parent or guardian, without the child thereby in-principles should be observed-liberty on curring any loss of the benefits or privileges of any school or schools the trusts whereof are hereby declared." In the Jewish schools the clause is to this effect "The religious instruction in the said school to be given according to the principles of the Jewish religion, but not to be made compulsory upon any scholar whose parents do not profess that religion." either side, the liberty of teaching and the liberty of withdrawal. Carrying out these principles, it is important that we should have a definite form of clause, not subject to change according to the opinions of any set of men who may be in office, but sanctioned and ratified by an Act of Parliament, which shall express, with the authority of Parliament, what it is by which the children shall be bound, and to what liberty they shall be entitled. The form we propose will be applicable to all cases where only one school exists, its ob In the Free Church of Scotland it is provided that no child shall be required to "learn any catechism or other religious formulary to which his parents or guar-ject being to provide that the religious dians may object. In the undenominational schools the same words are used 66 teaching shall not be interfered with, and that every parent shall have liberty to withdraw his child from teaching from which he dissents. It is to this effect:It provides that the Secretary of State shall not have power to interfere with the religious instruction given in any school towards which a building grant has been made, unless the school be the only one available for poor children residing within a convenient distance, or unless there be any considerable number of children for whom no more suitable means of education are likely to be provided, and whose parents are likely to object to the religious instruction intended to be given, or to the worship intended to be used. In that case the trust-deed must provide that no child re any catechism or other religious formulary." When, however, we come to the Church of England we find a grave distinction-namely, the insertion of the word "doctrine." The Conscience Clause in Church of England schools provides for the exemption of children whose parents may desire it "from attendance at the public worship, and from instruction in the doctrine or formularies of the said Church." Now, it is felt, and I think with much justice, that the word "doctrine" is a word of so undefined a character, and may have such a wide range of meaning, that it is unfair to apply it to Church of England schools when it is not applied to others. If a child cannot be required to learn a cate-sident within the assigned limits shall be chism or formulary, everybody knows what the exemption is; but if it is laid down that a child shall not be instructed in the "doctrine" of the Church of England, we may exclude religious teaching from the school altogether, for it may be said that the great doctrines of the Trinity and the Atonement are doctrines of the Church of England, though they are held by most other religious bodies. Considering that other denominations which have never objected to the principle of a Conscience Clause have felt it necessary to avoid the employment of the word "doctrine," and considering that in the case of the Wesleyan schools it is expressly stated that religious instruction shall always form a part of the school teaching, I think it is unwise and unfair to insist on the use of the word in the case of Church schools. The Government have come to the conclusion-which we believe will be generally accepted by the public-that in those cases in which it is desirable upon public grounds excluded from the school or deprived of its benefits and privileges on account of the religious persuasion of the said child, or of the parent, guardian, or other person having the custody or care of it, or on account of the withdrawal of such child from any part of the instruction given or worship held therein under the provisions herein before contained, and that no such child shall be compelled to attend any Sunday school, or church, or other place of worship on Sunday as a condition of receiving instruction on week days; and any such parent, guardian, or other person as aforesaid shall have a right to withdraw such child from any lesson given, or form of worship used, or religious instruction given, in such school, upon giving notice to the principal teacher of such school that he objects to such lesson, or form of worship, or religious service on religious grounds. That is the Conscience Clause we propose, and such are the principles by which we have been guided. It only remains for me to mention a concluding | haps your Lordships will allow me to offer provision in the Bill which we think of great a remark on one or two points. For more importance. Although we have not deemed than twenty years I have heard the comit proper to provide for a compulsory sys-plaint constantly preferred by the Oppositem of rating or for compulsory attendance tion against the Ministry, that Bills of imat school, we think the Secretary of State portance have not been produced in this should have the power of obtaining accu- House, so that they might be considered rate information respecting the educational by us in reasonable time. I remember wants of the country, so that it may be laid Lord Aberdeen remarking that for fifty before Parliament, and may indicate what years he had been familiar with the same measures are necessary to provide for any complaint. Now, the noble Duke (the well-defined want. The Educational Re- Duke of Marlborough) has presented a turns that have from time to time been Bill which, though I am not quite sure I made have been admittedly imperfect, and can call it a very important one, is a Bill we propose that the Secretary of State on a most important subject, and he has shall have power to order an Educational given us a most legitimate mode of discusCensus to be taken in any specified dis- sing the question of education, which I trict. He will have the power of fixing think this House is fully competent to do. the limit of value of the houses within I am bound, therefore, to thank him for which all children under a certain age are having introduced it in this House. The to be returned, and of requiring informa- noble Duke made an appeal to this side of tion of what school they attend, and what the House not to treat the Bill in a party system of instruction is pursued. These spirit. My desire is not to do anything of Returns will be collected by means of the the kind. Over and over again I have Registrar General's Department, and we stated, publicly and privately, that I regard this as an important step for faci- thought Her Majesty's present Governlitating any educational action that may ment have peculiar opportunities for dealbe called for in the future. Constituted ing with this subject; and I rejoiced, when as the present Department is, and presided I read the last Report collected by the over by the President of the Council, who noble Duke, that he had come into office at has many varied duties to perform, it would a time when the question was universally be difficult to set on foot such inquiries; asked, whether we would allow the spread but the change we propose will remove of primary education to become simply a any difficulty on this head. Such, my question of time, or would adopt measures Lords, is the measure which the Govern- to accelerate it? I rejoiced when I heard ment propose, and which I now beg to lay the emphatic sentiments on this subject on the table. We do not consider that it which had been put into Her Majesty's is a complete measure, because under the mouth by Her Majesty's advisers, and I present state of circumstances it would be rejoiced still more when I read in the very difficult to frame a complete measure. papers the declaration of Lord Stanley on We believe that we are proposing that the subject-though I am bound to say which will lay the foundation of an ample that Lord Stanley has been somewhat unsystem of education. We propose to con- fortunate in prognosticating the spirit of firm and place in a definite shape that the measures which the Government with which is already in existence. We pro- which he is connected were about to intropose to create a Department which shall duce-wherein he stated in such strong have the responsibility of initiating mea- and unmistakeable words the educational sures that may be for the benefit of the measure about to be introduced. But as country, and we propose to put into the soon as the noble Duke began his very hands of the new Minister all those powers full description of the present state of which will be necessary to enable him to things it was evident that some change perform those functions. I trust that the bad come over the intentions of Her Maplan is one that will be found to work jesty's Government. I can hardly think well, and that it will be admitted to be as that some of the most distinguished Memmuch as under existing circumstances can bers of Her Majesty's Government will be be provided. The noble Duke concluded of opinion that this is the answer which by laying the Bill on the table. ought to be given to that inquiry which the noble Duke so fully described as arising from all parts of the country-namely, What are the measures to be taken to EARL GRANVILLE: It will no doubt be more convenient to discuss the details of the Bill on the second reading; but 66 perVOL. CXCI. [THIRD SERIES.] F accelerate the progress of education?" Circumstances have contributed to make this question of education one of vital importance both to political and non-political persons, For my part I do not feel that the measure introduced by Her Majesty's Government, unless great alterations be made in it, will serve to give a satisfactory answer to that inquiry of the country. The noble Duke referred to the statistics of the Royal Commission with respect to the amount of education given in this country; but he referred to facts, the fallacy of which has already been pointed out. The noble Duke said that, while in Prussia, one in six of the population were educated, in England we had arrived at the rate of one in seven or eight. Well, that would be a very satisfactory advance, though I do not see why any difference should exist. But what are the facts of the case? In our account we estimate all that are on the roll, and also take into account the infant schools; but that is not the way the calculation is made in Prussia. The consequence is that, in reality, we stand with respect to Prussia, not as having 1 in 7 or 8 receiving education, but 1 in 15. The noble Duke asked us not to treat this question as a desert not to destroy, but to supplement. In that sentiment I entirely agree. I quite admit all the good that the Minute of 1846 effected in the education of this country. I admit that a large number of schools have been brought under the system which otherwise would never have found admission, and that the great class of certificated schoolmasters has been created. There is no complaint against the Minute of Council; but when I came first into the Council the noble Earl (Earl Russell) and Lord Lansdowne told me that they did not consider the system as a really national one, but the object should be to stimulate and improve it. That has been done; but yet it is not a national system. I do not care whether you take 100,000 children here or 100,000 there, and add them to the number; for I say that it is impossible for any of us who have read the Reports of bodies who have examined the matter, not only in Manchester, but in other places in the diocese of the right rev. Prelate (the Bishop of London) for example-not to see that the educational destitution is something quite alarming, whether we consider the present or the future of this country. What I want, therefore, is to supplement; but I say that The the scheme of the noble Duke, however well-meant and broad in some points, will utterly fail. I think the noble Duke mentioned seven points in his scheme. The first thing which I regret to see is that it is proposed to convert the Revised Code into an Act of Parliament. I think that is a mistake. These Minutes have been changed every year, and certainly not without necessity. It is almost impossible that, in a system like this, some changes from time to time should not be needful. The noble Duke says that Parliament has no control over it, that though presented every year the public do not attend to it. I believe that is a perfect mistake. Code is published, and all the alterations in it are marked; and I believe if there is one document presented to Parliament more examined than another it is this, which affects the pecuniary interests of some people in all the counties of England. This I will say, that if you convert this into an Act of Parliament you do more to stereotype the present state of things than by any course you could take. The second proposal, I think, was the creation of a Secretary of State for Education; but I wonld rather refer to that after I have gone through the other points. The third was with regard to additional grants for building schools. I believe that proposal is good. I am anxious that there should be great economy in the administration of the Parliamentary funds; but I think it is evident that when you have built schools in those parts of the country which are best able to pay for them there could be no objection to granting aid to those places which are not so well off. With regard to the Conscience Clause, I must thank the noble Duke for having adopted its principle. For myself, I should very much prefer to see that wherever aid is given by the State the Conscience Clause should be adopted. There is one proposal which I am sorry to see made; I mean that with regard to certificated masters. The noble Duke, in his Report to Parliament, said that he regarded the plan of certificated masters as the keystone of the system; and he spoke in the highest terms with regard to it. In that I quite agree. With the exception of Mr. Walter, who has certainly paid great attention to the subject and done a great deal for education, and one or two others. I do not know a single manager of schools who does not think the system of certificated teachers one of the most valuable results of the Minute of |