all who took it to promise fidelity to the Commonwealth of England.

But in a short time this seemingly auspicious state of things began to be disturbed. Parliament was supreme, only because it was backed by military power. Instead of dissolving itself and appealing to the country, it began to recruit its broken numbers by re-admitting excluded and retired members, and by filling up vacant seats on its own responsibility. The representation was not reformed, although this had been a prominent object in the "Declaration of the Army," and the "Agreement of the People,”— documents that expressed the wishes of the main supporters of the recent movements. Besides this, the religious settlement of the nation was not attempted on correct principles. The ordinances in favour of presbyterianism remained in force; and although divested of all directly coercive power, the nominal ascendancy of that form of polity, under the peculiar circumstances of the nation, led to manifold evils. It is admitted, that very serious difficulties beset the parliament in legislating on the subject of religion; neither is there any ground for doubting the disinterested, and, on the whole, impartial manner in which it sought to act towards existing parties. So far from wreaking its vengeance upon the episcopalians, such of them as were not openly disaffected to the new government, were protected from injury; and provision was made out of the tithes for those who had been deprived. Even the suppressing the Book of Common Prayer was not without justification, seeing how its enforcement in previous years had made it an odious thing and a badge of royalism. And if popish ceremonies were forbidden, they were for

bidden on political rather than sectarian grounds, while catholics were treated with more lenity than in any former period since the establishment of protestantism.

Still the error committed in this direction at

this crisis was a grave one, and is difficult to account for. The majority of the members of parliament were in all probability presbyterians, or moderate episcopalians; but the leaders were Independents, and supported by a large body in the army. Probably, as is often the case under similar circumstances with a generous as well as triumphant party, the Independents were reluctant to take advantage of their success. They would not have their own system established; and although many of their most eminent members were opposed to all connexion between religion and the state, they did not as a party feel it prudent to attempt to undo what had been already done. The ascendancy granted by the parliamentary ordinances to the presbyterian system was in their opinion a nominal thing, that was scarcely worth contending against; and all that they greatly cared for was, to prevent any further encroachments which might make what at present was nominal, real and exclusive.

It may be questioned, whether an absolute separation between church and state could have been effected at this time. The state of parties was very peculiar. Episcopalians and presbyterians would alike have been shocked at a proposal of that nature, and Independents and baptists were not unanimous respecting the propriety of making it. The subject, practically considered, was a comparatively novel one with all parties, and even the most thorough separatists were scarcely prepared to say to what extent the

*

separation between things civil and religious should proceed. Thomas Goodwin, Nye, Bridge, and the Assembly Independents, would in all probability have opposed a religious settlement of the nation on modern anti-state-church principles. Burroughes wrote a little before his death in 1646, " as for subjection to the magistrate, there we are upon equal ground; if he will interpose, he may assist and second the sentence of judging even subverters of faith; of withdrawing communion from them in the one, as well as the sentence of giving men up to Satan in the other; and we must still be subject here to suffer what is inflicted, if we cannot do what is required. Only we do not go as far as some do in this one thing. Whereas they lay a law upon the conscience of magistrates, that they are bound to assist with their power the decrees of the church,-taking cognizance only of the fact that they have decreed, not inquiring into the nature of the things,—we dare not lay any such bond upon the magistrate's conscience; but say that he is to assist the church both upon the knowledge of what the church hath done, and the knowledge of the nature of the thing. Seeing every private man hath this power, to be judge of his own act; it were a great misery upon those who have power over men, to be denied this power."+ Nor was this Burroughes' opinion merely. In the next sentence he affirms it to be that of "all those brethren with whom I have occasion to converse." Greenhill also writes, in that portion of his commentary on Ezekiel, the preface to which is dated September 18th,

* That is, presbyterians.

Irenicum, p. 44. Hanbury, iii. 111.

1649, or at the time to which our present statement refers :- "These things I speak, not to make way for licentiousness, that whatever opinions men hold, think, say, or practise, they may be free; but merely that consciences truly tender, may not be forced. It is one thing to restrain men's practices which are idolatrous, blasphemous, against pure worship, the power of godliness, and peace of the state; another, to force men to that their judgment and conscience are against. I pleaded not ever for a toleration of all, neither do, but only that those whose lives are holy, peaceable, and differ in judgment from others in some things, may not be forced to conform or depart."* Owen's views were of a similar nature. In his Essay on Toleration, annexed to his sermon on the occasion of Charles' execution, he concedes the right and duty of the magistrate to provide places of worship and means of support for a faithful ministry.t While such opinions prevailed amongst the Congregational Independents, it was not likely that the Independent party generally should attempt to alter the course of ecclesiastical legislation already adopted. Public opinion was not sufficiently enlightened to warrant any practical measures in such a direction.

There can be little doubt, however, that the defective policy of parliament in respect to these two things-the representation of the country, and ecclesiastical affairs-was the main cause of the disturbances which agitated and ultimately upset the commonwealth. Favouritism necessarily became the

* Greenhill's Ezekiel, Sherman's Edition, p. 278.

† Owen's Works, Vol. xv. p. 200. Orme's Life of Owen, p.

order of the day. The state was only nominally a republic: real government was in the hands of a self-constituted few. Liberty of conscience was only nominally authorized presbyterians and Independents divided between them the emoluments formerly conferred on the Anglican hierarchy. While many of the staunchest advocates of liberty became disgusted with the result of their attempts to enfranchise the nation, the royalists were encouraged to seek the recovery of those privileges and offices which they thought themselves as much entitled to as their present possessors. Thus continual occasion was afforded for agitation and strife.

The "levellers," or extreme republicans, were the earliest to show dissatisfaction, and from dissatisfaction proceeded to acts of violence which it required the strong hand of power to suppress.* The law of treason was made severely stringent, and thereby exasperated instead of pacifying such as were disaffected towards the parliament. Meanwhile both Scotland and Ireland declared for Charles the Second, and put themselves in a posture for offensive war, while royalists, presbyterians, and levellers were agitating for their respective objects at home.

It was evident whither the course of affairs was tending. Clouds portending storm and convulsion were fast gathering. Parliament was unable to cope with its many difficulties; and though tenacious of power, scarcely knew how to use it. The genius of Cromwell alone was equal to the emergency. Appointed to reduce Ireland, he performed his task with tremendous efficacy, leaving behind him a name of terror

*The levellers appear to have held sound views on many points; but were rash in seeking their accomplishment.