this we

had another conference with us. And upon had great satisfaction; and had hope, if our expedient could receive a loving debate, that the next day we should have some such issue thereof as would give satisfaction to all. And herewith they went away, it

being late at night.

We

"The next morning, we considering how to order what we had farther to offer to them in the evening, word was brought us that the House was proceeding with all speed upon the new Representative! could not believe it, that such persons would be so unworthy; we remained there till a second and a third messenger came, with tidings That the House was really upon that business, and had brought it near to the issue, and with that height* as was never before exercised; leaving out all things relating to the due exercise of the qualifications (which had appeared all along in it till now); and meaning, as we heard, to pass it only on paper, without engrossing, for the quicker despatch of it.—Thus, as we apprehended, would the Liberties of the Nation have been thrown away into the hands of those who had never fought for it. And upon this we thought it our duty not to suffer it. And upon this the House was dissolved, even when the Speaker was going to put the last question.

"I have too much troubled you with this: but we have made this relation, that you might know that what hath been done in the Dissolution of the Parliament was as necessary to be done as the preservation of this cause. And the necessity which led us to do that, hath brought us to this present issue, of exercising an extraordinary way and course, to draw you * Determined spirit.

together here; upon this account, that you are men who know the Lord, and have made observations of His marvellous Dispensations; and may be trusted, as far as men may be trusted, with this Cause.

to

It remains now for me to acquaint you a little farther with what relates to your taking upon you this great business. But indeed that is contained in the Paper here in my hand, which will be offered presently you to read.* But having done that we have done t upon such ground of necessity as we have now declared, which was not a feigned necessity, but a real,-it did behove us, to the end we might manifest to the world the singleness of our hearts and our integrity who did these things, not to grasp at the power ourselves, or keep it in military hands, no, not for a day; but as far as God enabled us with strength and ability to put it into the hands of Proper Persons that might be called from the several parts of the Nation. This necessity; and I hope we may say for ourselves, this integrity of concluding to divest the Sword of all Power in the Civil Administration, hath been that that hath moved us to put You to this trouble:‡ and having done that, truly we think we cannot, with the discharge of our own consciences, but offer somewhat to you on the devolving of the burden on your shoulders. It hath been the practice of others who have, voluntarily and out of a sense of duty, divested themselves, and devolved the Government into new hands; I say, it hath been the practice of those that have done so; it hath been practised, and is very consonant to reason, To lay down, together with their Authority, some

*The indenture, or instrument of government. Having dissolved the last parliament.

The trouble of coming hither as a parliament.

charge how to employ it (as we hope we have done), and to press the duty of employing it well: concerning which we have a word or two to offer you.

Truly God hath called you to this Work by, I think, as wonderful providences as ever passed upon the sons of men in so short a time. And truly, I think, taking the argument of necessity, for the Government must not fall; taking the appearance of the hand of God in this thing, I think you would have been loath it should have been resigned into the hands of wicked men and enemies! I am sure, God would not have it so. It's come, therefore, to you by the way of necessity; by the way of the wise Providence of God,—through weak hands. And therefore, I think, coming through our hands, though such as we are, it may not be ill taken if we do offer somewhat (as I said before) as to the discharge of the Trust which is now incumbent upon you. And although I seem to speak of that which may have the face and interpretation of a charge, it's a very humble one and if he that means to be a servant to you, who hath now called you to the exercise of the supreme Authority, discharge what he conceives to be a duty to you, we hope you will take it in good part.*"

From this time Cromwell was virtually supreme ruler in England. Parliament after parliament was called together by his authority. In August, 1653, he was declared Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Ireland, and Scotland, with his powers of government defined and limited. The instrument by which he was to be guided, contained fortytwo articles. This new constitution provided that *Carlyle, ii. 394-407.

"the supreme legislative authority should be in one person, and the People in Parliament represented; and that person be Lord-Protector." He was to be assisted by a council of state, of not more than twentyone, and not less than thirteen persons. He was to have control of all the land and sea forces, and the granting of all commissions, promotions, and honours. He could not repeal or alter any law, without the consent of parliament. This parliament was to represent the nation on a principle of proportion to the taxation; was to be composed of four hundred members; to be assembled at least once in three years; and to sit at least five months.

No question is more difficult to determine than that which relates to the origin and ground of national government. Generally speaking, while rulers maintain their authority and accomplish the ends of justice few are disposed to pry inquisitively into the foundations of their supremacy. In the present instance, the overthrow of an hereditary monarchy, and the attempted institution of a republic, prepared the minds of men in an unusual degree to ask questions and entertain suspicions respecting the right of any person to govern. Nor are we aware of any theory according to which any parties whatsoever could have consistently assumed the management of affairs at this crisis. To restore the Stuarts would have been an act of folly for which the country was not yet prepared; neither was the conduct of Charles the Second such as to afford much hope respecting the future. The state of parties was such, that the establishment of a pure republic was quite out of the question. The only practical thing that remained was what Cromwell attempted to bring about, namely, the insti

tution of a representative system, with the supreme authority in his own hands.

Many writers have insisted upon the hypocrisy of Cromwell in these proceedings. Without stating when he began to play the hypocrite, they have endeavoured to substantiate the charge by a reference to his various acts. A few words are called for on this subject.

It is admitted, that until a proper view is taken of the man and the circumstances in which he was placed, many things in the latter part of his life require explanation. We shall refer in another place to his religious policy, which, although based on imperfect principles, was incomparably superior to that of preceding or succeeding legislators. Our present concessions relate to his civil administration alone, in which there appears to have been an unnecessary degree of severity and arbitrariness. The institution of the major generals, in 1655, for example, placed the whole country under a species of military despotism. England and Wales were divided into twelve districts, over each of which a major general was appointed at the head of the militia, who were quartered in their various subdivisions in all towns supposed to be disaffected. These officers had unlimited power to suppress tumults and conspiracies, and to enforce the various ordinances and laws affecting the religion and morality of the people. From their decisions there was no appeal, except to the Protector himself. It is also admitted, that in seasons of insurrection and public excitement, Cromwell proceeded with a high hand to rectify the disorder. He showed no respect to persons. Whether Englishmen or foreigners, royalist or republican, officers of the army or civilians,