tion. The British had not only retained their old garrisons on our territory contrary to treaty, but they actually advanced upon us, and erected new. Yet such was the extreme sensibility of the eastern states then, that they went to sleep in perfect composure....and their sensibility and their war rage was never roused until the British began to interfere with our commerce at sea....then indeed they began to rub their eyes, and to discover that there was some danger. But they continued still to feel very little for the western people....perhaps they did not know them so well....they had not yet travelled over the western lands!

These contradictions must be resolved by other than state interests; by other causes than any sufferings of particular states. They must be explained by events in times past, and by causes which do not belong to the interests or the happiness of the people. There are men in this country who entertain an incurable passion for war....there are some men who see no means by which their ambition can be gratified, but through the evils and distractions, the miseries and the discontents, inseparable from a state of war.... There are, said he, such men....war leads to expence, and to discontent with the government which creates it....war strengthens the hands of executive power, and weakens the authority and the voice of the people....war multiplies the means of profusion and waste of the public treasures, in contracts and jobs....it gives a preponderance to one branch of the government over the rest.... From the beginning of this government, this struggle has been visible, where ambition has leagued with avarice against the interests of the people; and where there has been more pain and trouble occasioned by the incessant efforts of this combination, than all the other duties, cares, and incumbrances of government. Perhaps some gentlemen do not act from a consciousness of such motives....perhaps some few may act from opinion, and without personal or ambitious views....some perhaps conscientiously think that it would be preferable to lodge all authority in the executive, and to dispense with popular representation, or even ordinary legislation. Whatever might be the motives or the impressions of this few, this government was not made for them; it was made for the many, and must be so administered.

He could have enlarged much more on what had fallen in debate, but his strength would not enable him to pursue the examination much farther....he would, therefore, content him. self with stating his reasons for prefering the substitute to the original resolutions.

This he considered to be a most favorable time for nego ciation. We are told that Bonaparte never gives up an enter prize. He will not then give up St. Domingo....he has attacked it, he has been disconcerted....and is pledged to accomplish it at any sacrifice. Great as that colony is, and perhaps he does not think so much of it as in a commercial view it merits, but if, as has been said, he wishes to preserve it as a necessary means for the reduction of the West Indies, this must be the most favorable opportunity for pressing a negociation. What may be attempted or expected from that negociation he would not say, because it was not proper, in the present stage of proceedings.

He stated, that the original resolutions, by delegating to the President of the United States, the power to invade the neighboring territory of an ally, with fifty thousand militia, and all our regular military force; whilst they betray the most outrageous spirit of hostility, they are evidently calculated to defeat all attempts at friendly negociation, and in two instances, most palpably violate the constitution: to Congress the power of making war is confided by the constitution, a power which they cannot transfer to the President or any other authority. Secondly, the militia can only be used by Congress "to suppress insurrections and repel invasions," they have no power to send them without the limits of the United States upon any object of conquest, or to avenge any national wrongs or indignities, that we may be supposed to have suffered. The militia force, therefore, if collected, could not be used for the purposes expressed in those resolutions.

But by the substitute offered by the gentleman from Kentucky, a greater force is to be held in a state of preparation, a part of these to be enlisted, or rather enrolled as volunteers, for a longer time of service than militia are liable to, and by the terms of their engagement may be marched any where that may be required of them, by an act of Congress. Arsenals are to be built, and arms and ammunition deposited in suitable situations, so that should war be unavoidable, every thing is placed in a state of perfect preparation for such an event. And when Congress, with whom the power of war is lodged, may think proper to declare it, the declaration of war may be followed by an immediate and effectual movement. Thus the resolutions proposed as an amendment, whilst they shew more temper, moderation, and justice, will be more effectual, should we find it necessary to resort to the last means of settling national disputes; they are such as the powers of Congress are competent to, and by not attempting more, argue at sincerity.

of intention, which the others (from their very different character in this respect) may be suspected of wanting. Though the ostensible pretext of those resolutions, was to secure the deposit at New Orleans, yet it was evident, that their object was war at all events, these gentlemen seem to be all equally anxious for war, though they differ about the causes and inducements which should lead us to undertake it, and the means of pursuing it, seems to have been very crudely digested indeed. War is all they want, is all they wish....set it once going, and it will work afterwards to suit their purpose....give them but war, they care not with whom, or for what.

Mr. COCKE. The doctrines held by the gentleman from New York, (Mr. MORRIS) are curious. He tells us, Mr. President, that we must go to war for fear we may be compelled to go to war ;....that we must attack the Spaniards because they are weak....and we must attack the French because they are powerful....we must force our western fellow citizens into a war, from an apprehension that if we do not, they will go to war themselves, and become our most formidable enemies! This he supposed, was what some people called oratory, but for which an honest man is at a loss to find a proper name. The love of peace he has declared to be a good reason for going to war; and this is more oratory. There was something said about a duke of Parma and Hercules, but this he supposed was oratory also....it was hardly possible to be serious upon this kind. of doings. The gentleman in the same speech told us, that he did not know what the President was doing on this business; he has a bad memory for an orator, for it is but a few days since he was present at the nomination of James Monroe, to proceed to Europe as ambassador to negociate on the subject; this was at least something, and more was expressed in the message from the executive on the nomination. Why, sir, oratory appears to me a heap of contradictions; fine words may, to be sure, be very diverting, but they are not half so well calculated for a republican people as matter of fact. The gentlemen, indeed, appeared to think very differently, for we have been accused of wishing to keep their arguments and speeches from going abroad, and to keep to ourselves with closed doors, all their fine doings about the prince of Parma and the emperor of the Gauls, and about the prophecies of the gentleman to the Swiss so many years ago. He could assure gentlemen, that for his own part he entertained as little apprehension about their fine speeches as he did of the prince of Parma, Y

or the hero of Italy; and he believed his constituents general ly, thought about as much of them, if they thought of them at all.

But gentlemen tell us our rights are invaded, and that we must go down and attack the sluggish Spaniard; and that we should do this in time, before Bonaparte comes, and builds a chain of fortifications along your frontiers. How are the public to understand all these things, we must not negociate, because the Spaniards are sluggards, and we must fight because Bonaparte, by the aid of that conjuring devil, which the gentleman talked of, is to build up a whole line of fortresses, all in one night, he supposed. These are the speeches which we are told, we were afraid of letting go out to the public....in which every thing is contradictory.

But how are we to account for this zeal for war, in those gentlemen now, who, not many years ago, were as violently bent on peace? They tell us, indeed, that there was a day when the character of America stood high, and when the -poorest American individual could not be insulted with impunity; and that those were the days of Washington. Gentlemen have very bad memories, or they perhaps chuse to forget. Do those gentlemen forget Dorchester's speech to the Indians ...do they forget the possession of our forts on the lakes, contrary to treaty; when the savage Indians were daily murdering our citizens on the frontier, instigated by the British, when neither age nor sex was spared; what was the conduct of gentlemen then? Those things happened in the days of Washington, and where was the redress found? In war? Did we march an army to Montreal or Quebec? Did we even seize upon our own forts in our own states, which they held? No. What then did Washington do, Mr. President? Why sir, he did no more than we mean to do now; with a thousandth part of the provocation or injury; he negociated. If any circumstances justified war, it was those. But even my friends did not then propose to resort to arms, they proposed a commercial war, in which no blood was to be shed. what did those gentlemen who now bellow forth war? They opposed even a commercial retaliation: they deprecated the dangers of a war, and proposed negociation, and sent an ambassador.

But

The British treaty was concluded, the gentlemen who now roar out war! war! then cried out peace, and eulogized that treaty. Yet in the twenty-second article of that treaty, we find the gentlemen have furnished another contradiction;

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for that article says that neither of the contracting parties shall, order or authorise any acts of reprisal against the other, on complaint of injury, until a statement thereof shall be pre sented to the injuring party, by the injured, verified by competent proof, and demand satisfaction, and not then unless redress is refused, or unreasonably delayed. This treaty was concluded under Washington, but it was also a part of a former treaty with Prussia; and with a subsequent treaty with the Dey of Algiers; the twenty second article of the treaty with whom was to the same effect, And this also was a treaty concluded by Washington, and all this was supported by the gentlemen who now drive at war. Where were Jupiter and Mars in that day....they were napping in the arms of some fuddled Bellona; while a grave judge was sent from the bench to the court of St. James', to kneel before her majesty of Eng land, to kiss her sacred hand, and to pray her most gracious intercession with her magnanimous husband, to spare our frontiers from the scalping knife, and have pity on us. This was called asserting our dignity, in those boasted days....we never heard of the poorest individual meeting protection; and the representative of our republic was seen taking shelter under the royal robe, and aping the pomp and vanity of a vi cious court and corrupt nobility.

The people of America, Mr. President, have had too much experience to be any longer deceived. Their eyes have been opened to the deceits which have been put upon them, and are now attempted again. They have on every occasion marked one prevailing feature of conduct in the party which now wish to stir up war; against every aggression of Great Britain, they shut

acts of injustice eir eyes; in their sight, the most flagrant

from quarter, are justified or pal liated; in whatever situation we are placed, with respect to other powers, the first consideration of this war party is, what is the interest of Great Britain on the subject? Every act of any power not allied to Great Britain, or in any manner opposed to her, is magnified and aggravated; and in all their speeches, we are sure to hear, either in the form of a direct proposal, or an hearsay insinuation, of an alliance offensive and defensive with England; we are menaced and flattered alternately with accounts of her navy; we are taught to believe her navy can destroy us, if we maintain our own rights, or if we prefer treating with others; while, if we have difference with powers to which England is opposed, we are invited to embark in a new crusade with her, and to lead the van of