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red negociation, and sent an envoy to Britain; peace was ob tained by a treaty with that nation....he should not inquire at what price....but these were the steps taken by him. Shall we then not negociate....shall we not follow the leading feature of national policy....He hoped we should, and by doing so we shall become unanimous. We are all actuated, he hoped, by one view, but differ on the means....let us do justice by requesting our neighbour to do justice to us, by a restoration of our rights....let us shew the nations of the earth we are not anxious for war, that scourge of mankind....that we bear patiently our injuries in, hopes of redress, and that nothing but absolute denial of justice, which will be additional insult, shall induce us to it. But, sir, if forced to war contrary to our policy and our wishes, let us unsheath the sword and fling away the scabbard, until our enemies be brought to a sense of justice, and our wrongs are redressed.

He apologized to the house, it was a late hour and he would not longer detain them, although he had many more observations to offer on the remarks of gentlemen which have been made on this floor; that we may be guided in our deliberations by prudence as our advanced guard, and determination as our rear, was his sincere prayer, and that the result of those deliberations may be for the advantage and happiness of our common country.

Mr. TRACY rose and moved that the house now adjourn. Adjourned accordingly at half past five o'clock.

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 24.

Mr. WELLS (of Delaware) said he had listened yesterday, with great attention to gentlemen who had opposed the resolutions moved by his honorable friend, (Mr. Ross) from Pennsylvania. I cannot say that I expected, but I did entertain at least a faint hope they would be able to satisfy us that our fears were groundless....that the honor of our country was unblemished....its interests not impaired....its safety not endangered. But had I a doubt before, it no longer remains: their arguments have convinced me more than ever that we have not a moment to lose. Yet, sir, almost the whole of the present session has passed away without a single measure of defence being adopted. Even now I foresee that these resolutions will be laid aside. I rejoice, however, to find that they are likely to produce one good effect; they have at last roused gentlemen from the false security in which they have so long reposed. If the resolutions now under discus

sion do not prevail, I will not refuse to vote for the amend ment proposed by the honorable gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. BRECKENRIDGE.) I prefer the resolutions because. they go further and apply the remedy directly to the evil: the amendment contemplates the possibility of a failure of negociation, and makes some provision for such an event.

These resolutions have been opposed upon two grounds; First, It is alleged that the conduct of the intendant at New Orleans is not authorised by the court of Spain. Second, It is said that we are bound by moral obligation to resort to negociation before we attempt to redress ourselves,

Did I even believe, with gentlemen on the other side of the house, that the violation of our right of deposit was the act of the intendant alone, I would vote in favor of these resolutions. I should still be for going down, and taking possession of New Orleans, and thereby putting in check the power of the intendant, until we could hear from Europe. If we are to wait for the result of a negociation just now commenced, consider the situation of the western country in the interim. Half a million of your citizens are cut off from all intercourse with the rest of the world....every kind of busin ness there is at a stand....the farmer's produce is rotting on his hands.... industry is paralized....emigration discouraged....the value of their lands diminished....all ability to comply with their engagements with each other....with the government of the United States, or with their own state governments, is taken from them. This is an extremity to which I can never consent to reduce them, Let us, rather remove the obstruction to the navigation of the Mississippi immediately and if in the course of the negociation it should be proven to our satisfaction that the violation complained of was not authorised by France or Spain, and that both nations were resolved to respect our rights, New Orleans might then be restored. No cause of umbrage would be given to either nation. They would both see the extent of the injury we were likely to sustain by the criminal conduct of their agents; and, if they were honest, they would sincerely rejoice that we had in time guarded against it.

Gentlemen have persuaded themselves that the conduct of the intendant is not authorised by the Spanish, or French government, but what reason have they assigned us in support of this opinion? They tell us of the friendly assurances received from the Minister of his Catholic Majesty resident Яear our government; and they place considerable stress upon

the circumstance of the governor of New Orleans disapproving of what the Intendant has done. I will not stop to speak of the imprudence of reposing themselves upon the assurances of a minister, perhaps expressly instructed to mislead them. But why have they trusted to the imaginary collision of sentiment between the governor and intendant of New Orleans? Do not gentlemen know that our government is in possession of testimony, demonstrating beyond all kind of doubt, that this is not the fact? Have they not seen the letter of the governor of New Orleans to the governor of the Mississippi territory. In this letter I learn that the governor comes out and acknowledges his co-operation with the intendant....justifies the breach of the treaty, and declares that these instruments cease their binding force the moment it suits the interest of either party to break through them. Alas! the history of the world furnishes us too many evidences of this melancholy truth. But this is the first time that any nation has had the hardihood to avow it. No, sir, even Carthage herself, who became proverbial for her disregard of treaties, never attained to a point so profligate. If I am incorrect in my statement, honorable gentlemen, who have easier access to the sources of official information than is permitted to us, will set me right. Why has this document been so sedulously kept from the public eye....why it should be even now so carefully lockup, is a mystery not for me to unravel.

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We are told that there is a moral obligation imposed upon nations, to try the effect of negociation, before they attempt to redress themselves, I do not admit the force of this rule, where negociation is not expected to succeed....where it can not in its nature afford effectual relief. Believing as I do, that negociation must fail, I am not for trusting to that alone. has long been evident that the French have attached to these territories upon our frontier, an importance which of themselves they do not bear, and which can only be attributed to them on account of their connection with our southern and western states. If you treat, therefore, for an extension of your limits, you will be disappointed. If you negociate respecting the right of deposit, and should succeed, you will obtain no better security than that which has already been found ineffectual. For my part, I am strongly impressed with an opinion that the French consul has a project in view, deeply hostile to the prosperity of our country. One great object with the French, is to increase their maritime strength. The position which they are about to take in New Orleans,

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will soon put them, at our expence, into the possession of an immense carrying trade; and reduce under their influence the fairest portion of our empire. Perhaps I may be asked, does the French consul imagine that the people of the United States will consent to see subjected to foreign domination any part of their territory? This is an enquiry which Bonaparte has not been much in the habit of making. He knows the extent of the means he possesses in this country. It is but a few years since violent jealousies prevailed between the Atlantic and western states. Fortunately they have now subsided: these jealousies he will endeavour to rekindle. Possibly he may calculate upon detaching the people on the seaboard from the support of their brethren on the western waters. He has already succeeded in concealing the hand which guided the pen of the intendant at New Orleans. His troops are probably now approaching our shores, and what means of precaution have you adopted? Let not gentlemen flatter themselves that Great Britain will interfere to arrest this scheme of French aggrandisement. That government is already staggering under its own burthens. Their tottering situation has been acknowledged on the floor of the British Parliament. She is obliged to look on, and tamely submit to the extension of the Gallic power, in all quarters of the world : she knows that her rival is strengthening herself in every direction. Notwithstanding the cession of Louisiana, New Orleans, and, perhaps, the Floridas, was carefully concealed from her at the treaty of Amiens, she is now acquainted with it, and yet she sees the armament destined for these countries preparing to depart, without daring to remonstrate. No, sir, every dependance that we place on any other than our own exertions, will be vain and illusory. Let us be but united and true to ourselves, and there is no enemy we need fear.

I see no other course for us to pursue than that pointed out by the resolutions. Our interests, our honor, and our safety require it to be adopted. I am aware that the alarm of war will be rung through the country. I know full well the pains that will be taken to impress an opinion upon our fellow citizens that we are the friends of war. This we cannot help the danger with which our country is threatened, will not permit us to shrink from the discharge of our duty, let the consequences to ourselves be what they may. Let me ask you, with my honorable friend from New Jersey (Mr. DAYTON) what stronger evidence can we give you of the sincerity of our intentions than the resolutions themselves? So far from

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cramping, or diminishing, the power of gentlemen opposed to us, in a crisis like the present, we only offer to strengthen their own hands. Had the advice of an honorable gentleman near me (Mr. MORRIS) been listened to when you were disbanding your army, this crisis would not have happened, Had you then posted at the Natches, as he recommended, a thousand soldiers, the navigation of the Mississippi would not now have been interrupted. He foretold you what would happen, and his prediction has been literally fulfilled.

There is but one fault I find with these resolutions, which is, they do not go far enough. If I could obtain a second, I would move an amendment explicitly authorising the taking possession of both the Floridas as well as the island of New Orleans. In one respect I entirely accord with the honorable gentleman from Georgia, (General JACKSON) and I admire the manly and decisive tone in which he has spoken upon this subject, We both agree that the Floridas must be attached to the United States; but we differ in point of time, The violent aggression committed upon our rights, and the extent of the danger with which we are threatened, in my humble opinion, would amply justify our taking possession of them immediately, Look at the relative situation of Georgia, the Mississippi Territory, and the Floridas, and it will require very little of the spirit of prophecy to foretell that we shall, ere long, be compelled to possess ourselves of them in our own defence. There is but an imaginary line running between them: let the French be but once settled along that line, and they will have the whole of your southern states at their mercy. Unhappily there is an inveterate enemy in the very bosom of those states. You might as well attempt to stop the course of the plague, as. to arrest the subtle and dangerous spirit they would, the moment it suited their interests, let loose among the helotes of that country. Then you would have lighted up there a domestic war, which could only be extinguished in the blood of your citizens. But I cannot agree with the same gentleman from Georgia, when he says, that the French, if they were landed even in hostile array upon our shores, would soon forget their enmity to us; and marrying with our females become our fellow citizens. The French never forget to love their own country. How many

instances did we see of this national character even among the royalists who were driven out of France during the revolu tionary convulsion? Did their hearts even refuse to palpitate with joy when the news of a brilliant victory obtained by their

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