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She walked by his grave in the moon-gold light, And looked at the column slender and white.

A mullen-weed, with golden mace,
Stood like a guard in the silent place.

" While you were living life wronged you indeed ! But your heart was too noble to nurture a weed.

'I killed you with love as with poisoned wine, Which flowed like fire from these eyes of mine.

Yet more than your wild love asked I gave,
And for that you sleep in the silent grave.

“No evil weed which grows apace Should ever defile this holy place.'

Entering the grave-yard, on she went,
To pluck the weed from the monument.

She passed by head-stones one and two : ' Dead love, could I only sleep with you!'

She passed by head-stones three and four: "Loved and wronged, shall we meet no more?'

Till she stood on the ill-set corner-stone Whence the sandy soil like a brook had flown.

Light was her weight as she plucked the weed, But it crashed the steps in toppling speed;

And the falling marble pillar of death
Crushes at once her life and breath :

And the evening mist is weaving a veil
O'er the face of the maiden dead and pale ;

And a funeral garland and flowers sweet
Fall from the tomb at her head and feet;

And clothed in marble fair and white,
The bride by her bridegroom passes the night.



GOVERNMENT, education, and religion are the great human agencies which establish and maintain the security and stimulate the progress of society. Acting in concert, they are harmonious to one grand purpose, the material, intellectual, and moral development of the race. As a great philosopher has said: “The end of each of these is a component of the ultimate end of man.' Order being essential to the fulfilment of human destiny, this necessity gives rise to government. But we distinguish between the functions of education and religion, and those of organized réstraint. The former are not limited in their sphere of usefulness. The latter, being opposed to natural freedom, is only tolerable in so far as it fulfls certain ends. Good government emanates from morality and intelligence. Their coöperation insures it. In their absence it cannot exist. It is by the presence of these, the combined oxygen and nitrogen of the moral atmosphere, that government inhales a vital element. Systems which proscribe these, aim a blow at their own stability, and the reaction must, sooner or later, visit upon them a just retribution - a baptism of blood must, if need be, consecrate a new government to a worthier career, in which the healthful elements of religion and intelligence shall,'in defiance of tyranny, become the corner-stones of progress and liberty. Such are the gencral relations of religion and education to government.

We are to inquire what has been the influence of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge in modelling Anglican civilization. From them has proceeded an influence which has entered into and moulded, for many centuries, the advancement of the people. Without their coöperation, it is hard to conceive how the Anglican race could have become, what it now is, the pioneer of civilization, the fountain of practical philosophy, a leading spirit in literature, and a mature example of intelligent liberty.

They are the Moses and Joshua who have brought the nation into the promised land. They are the brain of the body politic; the directing mind which has conducted the legislation and the habits of the community into the channels of enlightened prosperity.

I. Their influence has been direct, and indirect — direct, as an immediate power in the state; indirect, as educating the popular mind and modelling public opinion. The Universities of England are venerable in the service of advancing humanity. Their power over the public mind has grown with its growth. Men in every relation of life reverence their authority. Their neverfailing sympathy with the popular destiny, their political relations, their concentrated wisdom, and their great antiquity, all unite to give them eminence as a power in the state. To them, as to the learned and experienced arbiters of enlightened sentiment, all look for ripe counsel. Sequestered from the ambition of the selfish, and observant of events, they are the great conservative balancewheels of a progressive civilization. Three thousand minds, moulded to their

peculiar tenets, go forth yearly to become examples and leaders in every direction. Under their guidance, every art and every science, the learned associations, all enlightened legislation and all social alleviation are quickened. By their influence are established the precepts of canon and civil law. Every improvement receives refinement and practicality at their hands.

The alumni do not terminate their relations to the Universities with their residence. Many continue life members of the academic system. All regard their old haunts by the Cam and the Isis with an affection which years do not diminish. No corner of England is without their grateful sons. The clergy, learned in the doctrines of Christ Church and Trinity, guide the religious zeal of the yeomanry. Statesmen, versed in the maxims of Montague and Sydney, stamp conservative laws upon the statute-book. Philosophers, exulting in the

Novum Organum,' the ‘Principia,' and the “Essay on the Understanding,' guide the scientific world in the paths revealed at Cambridge by Bacon, Newton, and Locke. Thus from the Universities, as from a perennial spring, the rivers, streams and streamlets of intellectual life flow out in multiplied and complex branches through every part of the community, at one point sustaining an idea, then opposing another, and all bringing a united support to the progressive tendency of the race. Moulding principles in every department by the proxy of their alumni, their power is greatly felt throughout the state.

The influence of the Universities proceeds from their relations to the State and the Church. Those to the state are two-fold : first, traditionary and historical ; second, political.

II. .1. The love of tradition exerts a peculiar influence upon British sentiment. It is an element alike of their laws, their customs, their religious prejudices, and their scholastic systems. The history of that country, reaching far back into the dim vista of mythology, and emerging slowly from the doubtful into the authentic, enshrines ancient institutions, refined by ever-increasing intelligence, in the veneration of the modern community. It is

*A LAND of settled government,

Of old and just renown:
Where freedom broadens slowly down

From precedent to precedent.' The traditions of the Universities extend back to the earliest periods of her existence. They have grown with the national growth, have been depressed in national calamity, and have derived vigor from national prosperity. Old manuscripts tell us that certain Greek philosophers, coming in the train of Brutus, laid the foundations of Oxford. Accounts less obscure, point to the chivalrous and scholarly Alfred, the morning star of error's darkest time,' as the originator of that great school. We learn that the Universities were devastated by the Danes, that they were restored by Canute, that they were harassed by religious feuds; that Henry the First revived them, that they resisted John in common with the Barons, that their efficiency was suspended during the wars of the Roses ; that the Reformation brought a crisis upon their decaying strength; that they were gradually converted to the reformed faith; that Henry the Eighth referred to them the question of his first divorce; that the height of their prosperity was reached in the time of Elizabeth; that they were reformed by Wolsey, Leicester, Bacon, and Laud, men powerful in the state; that they had a perceptible influence in the revolutions of 1640 and 1688. Throughout is discernible their close affinity to the state. Every national vicissitude has been reflected in the Universities. In all times of trouble, the eyes of the nation have turned for light to the great fountains of wisdom. The influence of the Universities has been the life-blood of the state, collected at the heart; from that point it has circulated with health and vigorrthrough every artery of public sentiment. From them have gone forth the dicta which govern the policy of statesmen, and the dogmas which form the creed of the Church. Parliaments have often bowed in acquiescence to their opinions.

2. But strong as is the sympathy between the state and the Universities by historical association, other bonds, more material and direct, exist from their political relations. The government of the scholastic corporations is in theory under the control of the crown. The Chancellor, having executive authority, is chosen from the most illustrious persons of the realm. The Senate is appointed by official favor. The Convocation is subordinate to and powerless without the more august estates. Further, the Chancellor is always a Peer; and two members of the Commons are awarded to each of the Universities. Thus the state has political obligations to Oxford and Cambridge, by its authority over their local systems; the latter reciprocate those obligations by their voice in both Houses of Parliament.

III. The relations of the Universities to the Church are even more intimate than those to the State. Under the generous guidance of religion, education goes on to expand the mind of man. Christianity protects every where the diffusion of learning. From their earliest history the Universities have received the tender care of the Church. In their peril she has placed herself between them and the assailing force. From their secluded cloisters she has chosen her prelates and fathers. To them she has looked, and never in vain, for renewing strength in the time of her trouble. From their presses have gone forth her authorized manifestoes. She has vied with the crown in the profusion of their endowments. An ancient Father said, that but for the Universities • Theology and philosophy among secular persons would have utterly perished.' Groseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, declared them to be ‘Secunda Ecclesia.' Oxford was the chosen spot where Wickliffe lit the first spark of the Reformation in England.

The Universities, in their turn, have sustained the Church with untiring zeal. Oxford boasts her religious origin in 'Dominus illuminatio mea.' The Pope before the Reformation, found no more ardent defenders anywhere. Becket was enshrined by Oxford and Cambridge as the martyr-saint of England. They resisted Lutherism till resistance was vain, then gradually yielded to the reformed faith, and to this day they adhere to the Anglican Creed.

Despite the zeal of Leicester and Cecil in favor of Calvinism, they remained faithful - encouraged by Elizabeth, Parker and Whitgift— to the decent splendor of the State Church. Even the Protectorate could not wean them from Episcopacy; and Tillotson, Atterbury, and Wharton were valiant champions of their opinions, when James the Second attempted to restore the hierarchy of Rome.

Thus, by a long series of mutual dangers, and by the sympathy of similar sufferings, and a common cause, the Church and the Universities have been bound together.

IV. A zealous national spirit arises from the relations to, and influence in the Church and State which have now been reviewed. All parties and all sects have advocates at the great seats of learning. Loyalty has always, however, predominated. In the wars of the Roses, they adhered to York as the representative of divine right against Parliamentary election. They avowed the deepest horror at the Rye-House Plot. Cambridge deposed the courtly Monmouth, her Chancellor, when he rebelled against the crown.

Their position and influence in the wars of 1640 and 1688 is so illustrative of their importance in the State, that we pause to consider this topic briefly. 1. In 1640 they zealously espoused the cause of the crown. The innovating spirit and novel creed which animated the party of Oliver, found no favor among the divines who had been bred to precedent and church authority.

The King, who could do no wrong,' was assailed by popular clamor ; his throne was endangered by mob violence; the constitution was about to be thrust aside to give place to a new, and to their minds, a visionary code; the dignity of the crown, the authority of prelates, the power of precedent, were about to yield to an experiment, defiant of every traditionary principle, and every established rite. Such innovation, the seats of learning resisted with spirit amid every embarrassment. They emptied their coffers and sold their plate in behalf of the King. Charles, driven from his capital, and a wanderer among his people, found welcome refuge in the majestic halls of Oxford. From her protecting shadows he directed the movements of his troops. There he concentrated his advisers and generals. ‘At Magdalene, the college of the heirs to the throne, Rupert fixed his quarters. Doctors of Divinity raised bands of students, and fell bravely fighting at their head against the legions of Essex at Naseby. After the ‘martyrdom,' their submission was forced and sullen. Sixsevenths of the members refused the oath of allegiance to Oliver. Republican tracts were burned. They hailed joyfully the restoration of the heir of the murdered King.'

2. In 1640 the Church and the crown were alike objects of attack. They sympathized in a common persecution. There was in that struggle but one course for the Universities to take. In 1688, the Church and the Crown were at variance. James was determined, in spite of law and public will, to reïnstate the old hierarchy. To achieve this, he was forced to claim toleration to all dissenters.

Thus were united with the crown all other sects against the establishment. While he fostered all others, he persecuted the State Church. He arraigned, on trivial pretences, five bishops before the Romanist Commission.

He forced apostates upon Magdalene and other colleges as their heads, who set up altars to the Virgin under the very shadows of their stately towers. He



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