its fatal work. His death was received with sincere mourning by his large circle of friends, and especially by the many poor and lowly, whom he had quietly helped by his means, or whom he had defended against those who had marked them as easy prey. The funeral services were held at the family home on Mason street, and the remains were borne to their

last resting place in Forest Home cemetery by leading members of the Milwaukee bar, while among the many mourners present from other parts of the state were all the members of the Wisconsin supreme court-of which Mr. Orton's brother, Honorable Harlow S. Orton, is an honored and distinguished member.

J. H. KENNEDY.

IT is but thirty-one years since the National convention of February 22, 1856, was held at Pittsburgh; yet short as the period seems in telling of it, the event itself has grown so dim and shadowy, that the history of it, to most people, seems more like a tradition than a recorded fact. Even I, who was a part of it, had got other events so inextricably mixed up with it, in memory, that the original record, when consulted, scattered to the winds many things I would otherwise have put forward as trusty "recollections." The idea of writing this article was first suggested by a statement from a public man that John C. Fremont should be invited to attend the celebration of the formation of the party, projected by the Americus. club for February 22, 1888, inasmuch as he was nominated here for President on February 22, 1856. This seemed to indicate so profound an ignorance of the history of that convention that I felt that some one familiar with it should revive a correct history of it; but when I came to consult the files of the Pitts

burgh papers of 1856, I found my own memory as much at fault as any one else's. What follows, therefore, is gleaned, not from memory, but from the actual record.

Before entering upon that history, however, it is necessary to get a correct idea of the state of party politics at that period. The Whig party had made its last Presidential nomination (General Winfield F. Scott) in 1852. It had found itself face to face, on that occasion, with the slavery problem, and planted its feet, as the fates willed, on the pro-slavery side of it. The result was that the party carried but two states for Scott, and was so hopelessly beaten that it never after lifted its head as a National party. The Liberty or Free-soil party, too, made its last nomination in 1852. It rallied upon John P. Hale as its candidate, but made so poor a showing as to discourage its adherents. The anti-slavery sentiment had not grown weaker, but was seeking other forms of expression. The party, as a political organization, died with the

election of 1852. In the meantime, between 1852 and 1856, two grave questions had arisen: the "American" question, involving hostility to Catholics and foreigners, and the "KansasNebraska" question, involving the extension or non-extension of slavery into the National territories. The "Americans" or "Know-Nothings" organized secretly and rapidly, and carried nearly everything before them in the north in 1854; but dissensions among them weakened them in 1855, when they were generally unsuccessful, and in 1856 they were hopelessly rent in twain by the slavery question. In this state of things, with no general organization before the people but the Democratic, those opposed to the Democracy who were not in the Know-Nothing lodges, had no general concert of action, but organized locally as they best could; some on an anti-Nebraska" platform, others on a Free-soil basis, and others still, here and there, under the name of "Republicans." This name was first suggested as fitting in 1854, by a Pennsylvania paper, but was first adopted as a party name in that year in Illinois, and subsequently in Michigan and other states. But these were spasmodic movements. In 1855 the elements of opposition to Democracy in Ohio united as "antiNebraska" men and carried the state, whilst in Pennsylvania, Vermont, Massachusetts, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin the "Republican" organization was continued and expanded. The "Republican" organization in Allegheny county, Pennsylvania, in 1855, attracted considerable attention, not

because of its success, but because of its solidity and practical character.

Governor Chase of Ohio, who had just been elected governor of that state on an anti-Nebraska" platform, was specially attracted by the movement in Allegheny county. He had sense enough to see that the people opposed to slavery extension into Kansas and Nebraska could not make National opposition to the Democratic party on that issue without National organization, and that such organization was hopeless in the then distracted condition of the opposition. He was pleased with the local movement here, because it called out the right sort of men and was upon a basis that could easily be made general. Upon a visit here in November, 1855, he held a consultation with David N. White, then editor of the Gazette. He urged the calling of a National convention for consultation and the formation of a National party upon the "Republican" basis, and his advice was followed. He did not show his own hand in this movement, and did not identify himself with it until sometime afterwards. He was too cautious for that; and having first been elected governor by a casual union of men of all parties, he probably did not feel in a condition to lead in the formation of a new one. upon his advice and at his suggestion that the movement for a National convention was made. Mr. White took upon himself the burden of opening and conducting a general correspondence on the subject; and the result was that the chairmen of the Republican State

But it was

committees in the states already having a Republican organization were requested to issue a call for a National convention at Pittsburgh on February 22, 1856. This call was issued early in 1856, and as it will explain itself, I append it:

To the Republicans of the United States:

In accordance with what appears to be the general desire of the Republican party, and at the suggestion of a large portion of the Republican press, the undersigned, chairmen of the State Republican committees of Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Indiana and

Wisconsin, hereby invite the Republicans of the

Union to meet in informal convention at Pittsburgh, on the twenty-second of February, 1856, for the purpose of perfecting the National organization, and providing for a National Delegate convention of the Republican party, at some subsequent day, to nominate candidates for the Presidency and vice-presidency, to be supported at the election in November, 1856.

A, P. STONE of Ohio.

J. U. GOODRICH of Massachusetts.
DAVID WILMOT of Pennsylvania.
LAWRENCE BRAINERD of Vermont.
WILLIAM A. WHITE of Wisconsin.

It will be noticed that while the call purports to issue from the chairmen of Republican State committees in Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Indiana and Wisconsin, it is yet signed only by those from Ohio, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Vermont and Wisconsin. Why the others did not sign it, I have not been able to discover; but whatever the reason was, it was undoubtedly a good one. Probably the time was too short to get answers from all of them. At any rate the movement took firm hold in all of the states not signing, showing that the omission did not grow out of any disapproval of the terms of

the call. It will also be noticed that the call is addressed to the "Republicans" of the United States, showing that the name was already a fixed and recognized one, and that National organization was what was mainly needed. The convention was to be held for the purpose of "perfecting" a work already partly done.

The Republicans of Pittsburgh instantly took hold of the work of arranging for the meeting of the convention. Committees of arrangement and reception were appointed, and Lafayette hall was hired for holding the convention. Of the members of the committee of arrangements but one survives -the writer of this article; and of the committee of reception, but one-David N. White, who is still living, and he is now a very old man. This indicates that the members of both committees were chosen from the older class of men. The young men had not yet been enlisted in the movement. They soon after became deeply interested in it, and it was to the energy and life which the young men brought into it that it owes the remarkable activity of its first presidential campaign. The elderly, staid, thinking and experienced men were those who did the first preliminary work.

The convention was not a large one, numerically.. It was not a delegated, but a mass meeting, called for consultation, and every one who attended came upon his own volition. The largest attendance, excluding those from Pittsburgh, was from Ohio, and the next largest was from New York. There were

railroads then, but they were few, and did not reach much territory beyond the main lines. The winter, too, was a hard one. Snow began to fall on Christmas, 1855, and lasted into March, 1856. Hence, no one came but such as had the cause deeply at heart. Still the attendance was considerable, and members were present from twenty-four states and two territories. Nor was the representation confined to the north. Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri and South Carolina each had representatives present, together with Kansas and Nebraska, both then being outside the pale of states.

No full list of members was made out and the following list comprises only those whose names can be gathered

from the published proceedings. Many others were present, particularly from Ohio and Pennsylvania, but the appended list contains the names of all who were prominent or well known to the public of that day:

Ohio-Joshua R. Giddings, Rufus P. Spaulding, W. H. Gibson, Jacob Brinkerhoff, D. R. Tilden, Charles Reemelin, F. D. Kimball, J. A. Foote, H. E. Peck, C. Spink, James Elliott, J. M. Brown, Dr. O. White, James M. Ashley, William Dennison, jr., Jacob Heaton, R. Brinkerhoff, E. Pardee, H. Howard, Henry Everts, I. McFarland, O. Harmon, Thomas Bolton, L. H. Hall. R. Steadman, Dudley Baldwin, Seth Day, H. Carter, Frederick Wadsworth, S. E. Edgerton, G. H. Frey, Dudley Seward, Joseph Medill, D. C. Doon, R. D. Harrison, I. M. Benson, A. J. Page, I. H. Wilkinson, R. Rogers, W. B. Fish, I. L. Wharton, L. G. Vandyke.

New York-Preston King, Simeon Draper, C. S. Crosby, Abijah Mann, jr., P. Dorsheimer (father of Lieutenant-Governor Dorsheimer), A. M. Clapp, Wm. A. Sackett, C. Hitchcock, Silas M. Burroughs,

E. D. Morgan, Horace Greeley, John A. King. Isaac Dayton, A. Oakey Hall.

Pennsylvania--David Wilmot, John Allison, Pass

more Williamson, D. N. White, Joseph Markle, J. H. Moorhead, W. W. Wise, J. Weyand, E. O. Goodrich, C. P. Markle, R. B. McCabe, C. Randall, Russell Errett, William B. Thomas, O. K. A. Hutchingson, Dr. J. Carothers, George Darsie, George Raymond, William F. Clark, L. L. Lord. Maine-George M. Weston, A. A. Hallowell. Vermont-Lawrence Brainerd.

Wisconsin-Charles Durkee, David Jones, I. S.

Lovett.

Maryland-Francis P. Blair, sen. Kentucky-William S. Bailey.

Kansas S. N. Wood.

Iowa-A. J. Stevens, W. Penn Clarke, C. G. Hawthorn.

Illinois-J. C. Vaughan, Owen Lovejoy, J. H. Bryant, W. F. M. Arny, I. H. McMillan, Carlin. [The name of Abraham Lincoln is published in the list of expected delegates, on the twenty-second, but was not present.]

Michigan-K. S. Bingham, Rufus Hosmer, J. M. Howard, F. C. Beman, Zachariah Chandler.

Sinclair.

New Jersey-D. Ripley, F. Deveraux, W. P.

Sherman, E. M. K. Pollison.

New Hampshire-F. C. Johnson, I. C. Beman, Horatio G. Russ.

Massachusetts-E. R. Hoar, J. W. Stone, C. C. Davis, George Bliss.

Connecticut-Josiah Brown, Mark Howell, James
M. Bunce, George Cleveland, John M. Niles.
Rhode Island-Edward Harris, R. G. Hazzard,
Chase.

Delaware-O. A. Johnson, W. H. Dennison.
Virginia-James Farley.

South Carolina-F. O. Willington.
Missouri-James Redpath, N. Kampa.
Tennessee--H. Jarvis.

California-D. N. Spratt.

Indiana-George W. Julian. Oliver P. Morton.
Nebraska-S. P. Rankin.
Minnesota-T. M. Newsom.

In looking over this list the eye of the reader will be struck with the fact that it is more remarkable for the names not on it than for those that are. But prominent men were more anxious to see what would follow than to take part. The times were perilous and full of uncertainty and danger. The opposition

party in congress were trembling lest the convention should go too far, and the country contained many fearful souls. The first step is the most difficult in politics as in everything else. After the movement was well started there was not so much chariness.

The convention was called to order by the venerable Lawrence Brainerd of Vermont, upon whose suggestion John A. King of New York was made temporary chairman. This was a fortunate selection and called forth a hearty compliment from Joshua R. Giddings. A committee of one from each state was appointed on permanent organization and one of the same number on address, and while waiting for something further to do the usual clamor set in for speeches. Rufus P. Spaulding and others were called on, but declined. They all wanted to do something, but the trouble, which they all admitted, was what to do. No one seemed willing to suggest any practical step. In fact, the convention consisted of two classes-the progressive and go-ahead fellows and the conservative or fearful sort, who were afraid either to lead or to follow. After the convention got well settled down this fearful feeling disappeared altogether.

The first man to speak was Horace Greeley. Everyone wanted to hear him, of course, and he was listened to attentively. Contrary to every expectation, his speech was one of extreme caution. He was not a cautious man himself, he said, but he was just from Washington city, and the friends there were in a fever of terror lest the conven

tion should go too far, and by taking advanced anti-slavery grounds might drive off all sympathizers in the south and alienate many weak friends in the north. They were also opposed, he said, to fixing any time or place for nominating a candidate for President. They thought it best to let things drift along and let the Republican members of congress act in conjunction with others in calling a National nominating convention.

Greeley did not seem himself in making this speech, and his advice to be cautious and go slow appeared to come from unwilling lips; but he discharged the duty imposed on him by the timid time-servers in congress; and he did more, for his speech had the effect of infusing life and zeal into the convention and developing the feeling which nearly everyone felt, that the time for action had come. This was evinced fully by the energy which was shown by Giddings, who took the floor immediately after Greeley, and by the hearty applause that followed when he closed. He said that of all places in the world Washington city was the worst place to look to for advice. It was the centre of sleepy conservatism and the place where nearly every man from the north was afraid of his own shadow. The people, the source of all power, were the ones to consult, and he had come from the corrupting atmosphere of Washington to this convention to breathe the air of freedom and find out what the people wanted. He advocated immediate organization upon the ground of hostility to slavery extension, and