THE declaration of peace, in 1783, left the colonies in possession of an unlimited, unexplored country, of which they knew but little. It was filled with hostile tribes of Indians, under the evil influences of the British, whose avarice impelled them to the inhuman acts of inciting the red men to wanton deeds of cruelty against the settler who should dare to enter the domain to found a home.

The Continental congress found itself not only unable to pay its promises of money to its soldiers, but also unable to pay in lands as it had promised by the resolutions of 1776 and of 1780. The colonies were free, but each claimed to be sovereign, and in these conflicting interests the wise men of the day saw, as England's statesmen had predicted, the downfall of a Republic her armies could not subdue. The various claims of the states must first be harmonized. Time and patience overcame all obstacles, and gradually one by one the colonies were brought to harmonize their interests. The first act was to secure from each colony a cession of all western lands, for the common good of all. This was accomplished by 1786, when Connecticut deeded all her western lands, as New York and Virginia had done before her, reserving only enough to redeem her promises to her own soldiers. The year before her deed of cession was made, congress had so much confidence in the

ultimate outcome of the negotiations, that a law was passed defining the mode of survey and sale of public lands in the western country. The plan of survey was probably suggested by Thomas Hutchins, geographer to the United States. He was an ardent patriot, a member of the New Jersey troops, and while in London on private business, about the time of the outbreak of hostilities, suffered imprisonment and confiscation of some forty thousand dollars worth of property. He escaped to Charleston in 1778, where he received the appointment of geographer, which office he held until his death in April, 1789, while engaged in the survey of the first seven ranges. The office expired with him, its duties devolving on the board of the treasury, who controlled and directed the public surveys until 1799, when General Rufus Putnam was appointed surveyor-general, an office still existing.

The plan of survey adopted by the act of 1785, was in a measure outlined by him, when on the expedition of Colonel Henry Bouquet against the Ohio Indians in 1763-64. He acted as engineer of this expedition and made a careful topographical survey of the route followed by the army.

The act provided that a base line known as the "Geographer's Line" should be run through the territory on a true east and west parallel line, starting from a given point on its eastern boundary. Every

six miles north and south of the "Geographer's Line," parallel lines were to be run through the territory. Crossing them at right angles every six miles, beginning the starting point, meridian lines were to be run north and south, thus dividing the entire northwestern country into townships six miles square. These townships were to be again divided into thirty six sections of one square mile each. This rectangular plan of survey, the simplest and most practical ever devised, has since been closely followed in the survey of all public lands. In many reservations it is also adhered to, save that the townships are smaller and the divisions different.

While the act for the survey was under discussion in congress, someone, whose suggestions were far more important than he or anyone imagined, advised that one section in every township be reserved for the use and benefit of the public schools of the township. Section No. 16 was selected, perhaps because it is near the centre of the township. The proceeds of its land sales were decreed to be used for the benefit of the education of the children. There is no direct evidence that New England suggested this measure, but it may not be amiss to infer from cotemporaneous history that such is the fact. It is the first instance in the history of the country where congress took public action towards the education of the youth of America by the public treasury. Had Mr. Hutchins lived to complete the public surveys, the plan followed by him would, no doubt, have been the universal custom in all parts of Ohio. His death and the numerous land grants prevented carrying out the act in all parts of the state; but

the idea was used in many of the divisions of Ohio lands made by states or private companies.

Peace had hardly been declared when soldiers of the Revolution began to press their claims to western lands. Congress had promised land bounties to those who would engage in the war till its close, or to their representatives should they be slain by the enemy. These bounties ranged in amounts from one hundred acres to several thousand, owing to the rank of the soldier. General Rufus Putnam, a valiant Revolutionary officer, who had suffered many pecuniary losses in the conflict for freedom, on June 16, 1783, addressed a remarkably intelligent letter to General Washington, sending with it a petition to the Continental congress in behalf of himself and many other comrades, asking for the survey and allotment of lands to soldiers. General Putnam outlines in his letter to General Washington a plan of survey and allotment somewhat similar to the one afterwards adopted. He also states he "cannot approach any of the members, as he is unacquainted with those outside of the states of Massachusetts and New York, both of which states have public lands for sale which they are pushing on the market." Hence he wisely concludes "they will not favor any scheme for the settlement of congress lands that would in any way detract settlements from their own lands." He also "relies on the friendship of his old commander and companion in arms," and confidently expects from him all the aid he can consistently give..

General Washington in his reply admits the justness of the claim and the wisdom

of the plan, but states that "the unsettled condition of the country and the conflicting claims of the states will prevent immediate action." He advises patience, and hopes "the soldiers will agitate the matter till the country recognizes them, and through its legislative council grants their just demands."

The patriots did not relax their efforts. Their continual agitation was felt by congress, who, recognizing their claims, urged upon the several states the surrender of their western lands for the common good of all, and thereby enable congress to fulfill its pledges.

By 1785 the various concessions then made were confirmed, and so confident was congress of the ultimate result of its requests that the act already referred to was passed, defining the mode of survey and settlement of the western territory. General Putnam was appointed one of the surveyors of the territory, but being at that time engaged in the survey of public lands in Massachusetts, he secured the place for his friend and military associate, General Benjamin Tupper. General Tup per left for the west in the autumn of 1785, intending to prosecute the surveys, but owing to Indian troubles went no farther than Pittsburgh. He returned early in the winter, fully impressed with the idea of a settlement in the west. He could not induce his friends to entertain the "insane idea," as one of them expressed it, of a settlement in that wild region, and for a time the general almost despaired. He thought of his old army associate, General Putnam, and visited him in his home at Rutland, Massachusetts. Here before a blazing hickory-wood fire in a capacious

old-fashioned fire-place, whose polished and-irons reflected its abundant heat, these two veterans passed a long and memorable evening. Tradition says they passed the entire night. They recounted the dangers they had experienced in the war that just closed, and discussed the plan of a new settlement in the limitless west, where a few years of labor and privation would return to them the comforts they had lost in the conflict through which they had passed. The result of the evening's conference appeared in an advertisement in the Massachusetts papers of January 25, 1786, inviting all those who might wish to join a company to be known as the "Ohio Company," to meet in their respective counties on the fifteenth of February and elect delegates to represent them in a conference to be held in the Bunch of Grapes tavern in Boston, March 1. That day eight counties were represented by eleven delegates, who, after deliberation, appointed a committee of three to prepare a plan of organization. This committee reported March 3. Its recommendations were adopted, signed by all present, and subscription books were opened. Ten per cent. of the subscriptions were to be in specie, to defray the expenses of survey. The rest could be paid in continental certificates, then quoted at a very low figure. One year elapsed before enough subscriptions were obtained to assure the project. By that time Connecticut had ceded her western lands, except in the Western Reserve. This deed of cession quieted all titles of states to land in the west, and the company was at liberty to choose any unoccupied or unreserved lands it might desire.

March 8, 1787, a called meeting of the shareholders was held in Brackett's tavern, Boston, when Dr. Mannasseh Cutler, General Rufus Putnam and Samuel H. Parsons were elected directors, and Winthrop Sarjent, secretary.

Dr. Cutler was authorized to contract with congress for a body of land in the "Great Western Territory of the Union," as the resolution expresses it.

The doctor left his Massachusetts home in his old-fashioned chaise, in June, for New York, where congress was then in session. At the same time the constitutional convention was in session at Philadelphia. Dr. Cutler bore letters of introduction to prominent men at both places. He found many plans on all sorts of questions before congress, and saw it would be necessary to use his best skill as a lobbyist. He was in truth a remarkable inan, and peculiarly well-fitted for the task. A grad uate in medicine, law and theology; an adept in diplomacy; a polished and dignified gentleman, everywhere respected for his attainments and learning, and above all a firm believer in the universal freedom of mankind, the doctor found use for all his versatile talents. So indifferent were many of the congressmen that the doctor could not secure an intelligent audience with them, and, almost discouraged, was on the verge of leaving and buying land of one of the states, when his friends rallied to his support and induced him to make greater efforts. Other persons came forward asking him to extend the limits of the company and purchase more land. These were admitted as associates, the doctor frankly stating their influence necessary to succeed.

One obstacle in the way was the uncompromising attitude of the New England members in the company on the question of slavery. While negotiations were in progress, the ordinance for the government of the territory came before congress. Dr. Cutler and his associates insisted on a clause forever prohibiting slavery in the territory. This was opposed by the southern members as inimical to the rights of all citizens The New England associates refused to acknowledge the right to deprive anyone of liberty, save in the punishment of crimes. Planting themselves on this principle, they refused to yield.

"Make the country a desirable place for us to live or we do not want it," said they.

"It must either be a free country, or we will go where the country is free," they said again.

The plan of purchase proposed by the company and its associates would not only extinguish about four millions of the public debt, but would place in an unoccupied part of the country an excellent, hardy, energetic class of citizens, who would soon share largely in the burdens of public progress. The intimation held out by the associates that they would buy of the states whose offers were at cheaper rates than then proposed by the government, and the necessities to do something to enhance the value of public securities had their effect, and tended to advance the ordinance for the government and the sale of the lands.

The ordinance for the government of the territory, commonly known as the "Ordinance of 1787," or the "Compact of

1787," is one of the most remarkable state papers ever issued. No one can study its provisions and not be impressed with the breadth of their scope and the remarkable character of their statements. It has been declared that its provisions are more beneficial and more sagacious than the Constitution of the United States itself. It bears the marks of the master minds of the time, impressed with the fundamental ideas of universal freedom, education, religion and morality-the New England ideas of good and enduring government. It was passed July 13, 1787. Its most striking passages—those that fixed forever the character of the entire northwestern country, and which ultimately led to entire freedom for all in the United States-are those relating to religion, education and freedom.

"No person demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly manner," says the compact, "shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or religious sentiments."

Again it says, "Religion, morality and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged." Its clause, the one which gave the compact its great reputation, one which has often been called the "Corner-stone of Liberty," the first declaration in a state paper against the rise and encroachments of slavery, carried in the face of all opposition, and without which Dr. Cutler said the land would be valueless, reads: "There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall

have been duly convicted, provided always"-and without this concession the act could not have been passed, and Dr. Cutler was wise enough to concede the point to accomplish the greater good, trusting to time to complete the work-"that any person escaping into the territory from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original states, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid."

Of this remarkable compact Daniel Webster, in his famous reply to Hayne, said: "I doubt whether one single law of any lawgiver, ancient or modern, has produced effects of more distinct, marked and lasting character than the ordinance of 1787."

It was the first emphatic and effective protest against slavery in America. Its influence, descending down the annals of time, sundered the shackles of every slave and eventually lifted into the glorious light of freedom more than four millions of bondmen.

The charter of the New England associates was not a silent law on their statute books. They were men of broad minds, many, liberally educated, and all determined to found a home where the principles they vindicated should be assured to them and to their children.

The way was now open, and, like their Puritan ancestors, they were ready to go. A contract was closed for one million five hundred thousand acres, which, by the advice of Thomas Hutchins, was located at the mouth of the Muskingum river.

Of this tract, two full townships were reserved for the benefit of a university; sec