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INDEX 500

400

PRICE AND PRODUCTION DURING THE WORLD WAR

INDEX
500

INDEX
500

3001

200

100

1913 14 15 16 17

IDEX

500

400

300

200

00

COTTONSEED

200

PRICE

1 PRICE
(Medium Grade)

PRICE

A A A

CONSUMPTION

PRODUCTION

PRODUCTION

175

150

125

100

SUGAR

75

PRICE
(Granulated)

TOTAL SUPPLY

INDEX
500

400

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100

INDEX NUMBERS, 1911-1913-100 225

INDEX
500

400

300

200

-100

400

300

200

100

C

O

1913 14 15 16 17 ia is '20 '21 1922

SOURCE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS, REVIEW OF ECONOMIC STATISTICS, 1920, 1921.

CHART 51

INDEX
500

400

300

FLAXSEED

100

O

O 1913 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 1922

200 PRODUCTION

WHITE POTATOES

PRICE

1911-1919

INDEX
500

Composite Price

INDEX
500

INDEX
500

400

400

Min

300

300

©200

200

OC

100

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400

O

O

1913 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 2 1922

Acreage Harvested

300

1915

200

1913

1914

1916

SOURCE Department of Agriculture and Works Progress Administration production index is based on the
production of eight primary crops, weighted in proportion of total crop value in ma-is

100

400

300

CHART 52

FARM CROPS: PRODUCTION. PRICE.
AND ACREAGE HARVESTED

200

100

WOOL

IMPORTS

1917

SILK

FRICE

1918

O

O

1913 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 1922

INDEX NUMBERS, 1911-1913-100

225

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INDEX 500

100

O

O

1913 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 1922

75

400

DD 39-294

300

200

100

INDEX 500

400

300

200

100

PRICE

INDEX 300

200

a small amount of additional production. Yet increase in output was urgently needed. But a 46-point rise in the price index in order to get a 7-point increase in output is manifestly dangerous. Not only is the disproportion costly; it also sets forces to work which cannot be stopped, and the result was still higher prices in the following years with declining production. Though it serves no useful purpose and is positively harmful, inflation is inevitable if, in order to get a very small increase in output, the price on the entire supply is raised high enough to cover the cost of the small producers who often have a cost much higher than the average. In other words, the so-called bulk line cost principle of fixing prices

100

O 1913 14

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15

16

AND PRODUCTION DURING THE WORLD WAR

17

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PRICE

PRODUCTION

CEMENT

CHART 50

LEAD

PRODUCTION

INDEX
300

200

O

15 '16 17 18 19 20 21 1922

O

O

1913 14 15 16 17 '18 19 20 21 1922

100

PRICE
(Pig)

TAN

200

100

O

913 14 15 16 17 '18 19 20 21 1922

INDEX

300

INDEX INDEX

300

300

200

SOURCE Bureau of Labor Statistics, REVIEW OF ECONOMIC STATISTICS, 1920, 1921.

100

INDEX INDEX
300

300

200

100

LIME

PRICE

200

PRICE
(Window Glass)

100

GLASS

PRODUCTION

PRODUCTION

PETROLEUM

PRICE

Crude)

O

1913 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 1922

PRODUCTION

O

1913 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 1922

INDEX
300

200

100

INDEX
300

200

100

O

1913 '14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 1922

involves the paying of enormous windfall profits to the majority of producers in order to get a few high cost producers into the market. Most important, the result is to raise costs to all the users of a given commodity and, if the process is pyramided throughout the economy, inflation such as we had from 1918 to 1920

results.

INDEX

300

Charts 50 and 51 graphically emphasize the fact that increasing prices do not bring about commensurate increases in production. While the index of cottonseed prices soared from about 110 in 1915 to 300 in 1918, production was actually declining. Other commodities show somewhat similar movements with production of only 2 of the 13 commodities approximately paralleling price increases during a part of the period 1913-22.

Chart 52 shows that, contrary to popular belief, the enormous inflation of farm prices and land values did not bring a striking increase in supply. There was a

200

100

INDEX 500

400

PRICE AND PRODUCTION DURING THE WORLD WAR

INDEX
500

INDEX
500

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200

COTTONSEED

175

PRICE

AAA

PRODUCTION

150

125

PRICE

100

PRODUCTION

75

SUGAR

PRICE
(Granulated)

TOTAL SUPPLY

INDEX
500

400

300

200

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100

INDEX NUMBERS, 1911-1913-100 225

INDEX

500

400

300

200

100

400

300

200

100

0

O

·9:3 14 15 16 17 ia is '20 21 1922

SOURCE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS, REVIEW OF ECONOMIC STATISTICS, 1920, 1921.

INDEX
500

400

300

CHART 51

100

200 PRODUCTION

1913

FLAXSEED

O

1913 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 1922

WHITE POTATOES

PRICE

1911-1919

Composite Price

INDEX 500

Production

Acreage Harvested

1914

400

-300

1915

200

1916

SOURCE Department of Agriculture and Works Progress Administration production index is based on the
production of eight primary crops, "weighted in proportion of toto! crop value in 1901-13

100

O

1913 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 1922

INDEX

500

400

300

200

100

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CHART 52

FARM CROPS: PRODUCTION. PRICE.
AND ACREAGE HARVESTED

200

100

PRICE
(Medium Grade)

1917

WOOL

IMPORTS

CONSUMPTION

1918

SILK

FRICE

INDEX NUMBERS, 1911-1913-100

225

16 17 18 19 20 21 1922

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INDEX

500

100

400

1913 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 1922

75

DD 39.294

300

200

100

INDEX 500

$400

300

200

100

small increase in acreage, about 10 percent between 1914 and 1918, while physical production, partly influenced by climatic factors, actually declined after 1915.

It does not follow that price never performs its function of increasing supply. These statistics do not indicate that the laws of supply and demand fail entirely;

400

350

300

250

200

150

100

50

CHART 53

COMPOSITE MONTHLY PRICE OF

FINISHED STEEL

MONTHLY STEEL

INGOT PRODUCTION AND ANNUAL
STEEL CAPACITY 1914-1919

Index Numbers 1914=100

Ingot
Production

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1917

Price:
Finished Steel

Capacity

1918

1919

400

350

300

250

200

150

100

1914

1915

1916

Source: Iron Age: American Iron and Steel Institute

rather they call attention to conditions under which the laws fail to operate. Prices are relative. A higher price is supposed to increase the supply of one commodity-wheat, for example-at the expense of another, by causing farmers to shift production from a low-priced commodity to another which will net them But if all prices are increased, this principle has no opportunity to operate.

more.

50

D-D-39-292

In order to get some of the benefits of the free price system, it is necessary under war conditions to keep some prices down. Otherwise, a race is begun among various prices, with no increase in production resulting.

Turning now to the industrial side of the picture, chart 53 shows that the increase in ingot production preceded the rise in price. When capacity levels were reached in 1916, the 150-point rise in steel prices in 1917 produced no increase in output. but the expansion of capacity was continued after the price was controlled in 1917, In the case of Portland cement, a pattern different from that of steel is evident since increasing prices were accompanied by declining production in the early war years. (See chart 54.) But production expanded after the war when prices were declining.

Cotton textiles show roughly the same picture and are especially important in the cost of living. Raw cotton consumption was limited by spindle capacity

CHART 54

PRODUCTION AND CAPACITY OF PORTLAND
CEMENT MILLS ~ 1910-1937

MILLIONS OF BARRELS 250

200

150

100

50

0 1910

PRICE

PRACTICAL

CAPACITY

1915

1920

PRODUCTION

1925

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PRICE PER BARREL
IN DOLLARS

1250

1935

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1940

1930

(See chart_55.)

The

which increased about 10 percent from 1914 to 1919. precipitous jump in prices served no purpose, but contributed to the 300 percent jump in clothing cost and to the necessity of raising wages.

WHOLESALE PRICES, WAGES, AND COST OF LIVING

The cost of living started up before the declaration of war by the United States and continued rising throughout the war period. With only a brief pause following the Armistice, the rise continued into 1920 when the cost-of-living index stood at more than double the prewar level. Of the three main components in the cost of living-clothing, food, and rents-the increase in clothing prices was much the greatest. (See chart 56.)

A comparison of wholesale prices, wages, and cost of living shows that the rise in wholesale prices was first and that cost of living and wages were, to an important extent, dragged up by the rise in wholesale prices. (See chart 57.) There are usually important time lags between wholesale price rises and increases in the cost of living but this does not minimize the importance of avoiding price increases wherever possible. Thus, when we entered the war, prices were 64 percent above the 1913 level; but the cost of living was up only 20 percent-less than one-third as much. Average hourly earnings had risen from 31 cents per hour to 35 cents

64300-41-pt. 1-15

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