But the song for August is more sentimental, and as such, more suited for the month, when every thing melts but the hearts of overseers, Old Bailey Counsel, bronze statues, and Poor-law Commissioners. The story is a sailor's love scene, or ship romance. "Guy Davit was a sailor bold, As ever hated France; And tho' he never cared for gold, Susanna Sly was what they call A servant of all work, Made beds, baked pies, cleaned shoes, hemmed shirts, Blacked grates, and pickled pork. Young Guy was born upon the Thames, Off the Adelphi strand; And so the water, do you see, Became his father land. 'Twas there he served his time; and none On vessel, boat, or raft, More honest was, altho' 'twas known At last he weathered twenty-one, And his apprentice-ship. Next year, the first of August came, He trimmed so well his boat, And plied so well his oars, he won Old Dogget's badge and coat. 'Twas then Susanna saw him first, So Sue set up her best mob-cap But Guy was a Conservative (At Whitehall stairs his station), And so, he did not choose to yield Το any mob's dictation. Then Sue a true-love letter wrote, But Guy seemed not to heed it, For not a line in answer came; For why?-he could not read it. Then Susan tendered him her hand, Love made her blush and falter; Thankee, says Guy, but I prefers A cable to a haltar. For he of foreign shores had heard, And wonders there that be, So cutting short his love with Sue, He sailed away to sea. Sad Susan saw her sailor start So, taking to a sailor's life, She joined the merry crew, And round the world, thro' storm and strife, She did her Guy pursue. And she and he became sworn friends, Then Susan home like lightning flew, Sue won that fair maid's heart; And following her advantage up The wedding o'er, away she went, To Guy the tidings carried, And gave to him the newspaper, That told his love was married. Then Guy a loaded pistol took; I'll kill myself, he cried; Before I'll ever side with Sue, I'll be a sui-cide. When Susan heard him say these words, And down he sank, a corse, by Jove! In sketches which profess to give the features of the man, we must not omit that most remarkable of them all," the extraordinary change of the public spirit from depression to exaltation ; from submissiveness, under the dictation of Whiggism, to fearlessness under the inspiration of English good sense; from Radicalism to Conservatism. The great public meetings, all Conservative, which have already distinguished England, have had no rival in the most memorable eras of public feeling. While all seemed verging on the ruin of the Constitution, it has suddenly sprung up with renovated vigour. The Radical, a few months ago so defying and so insolent, is now the man who hangs the head. The Republican, for we have madmen among us who agitate for a Republic, dares no longer utter a word; and the Revolutionist, who, uniting the infidel with the robber, openly proclaimed the coming of the day of overthrow, now will not venture to stand forth and be seen, even in the most rabble gathering of the suburbs while Conservatism comes forward with her thousands and tens of thousands, the virtuous, the known, the honoured, the intelligent of the land, followed too by the loyal multitudes of those humbler classes who were once regarded as the sure allies of subversion. In that timely and important publication, the "CONSERVATIVE," put forth by the great Conservative Association of London, we find the remark made on those meetings, that they have exhibited not merely manliness and British spirit, but also unexpected ability and constitutional knowledge. "Among the speeches on those occasions," says The Conservative, "we . find individuals whose names were hitherto unheard of in public life or literature, coming forward with strong evidence of their fitness for the achievements of both. But England has never fallen short of the necessities of the day of trial. When the hour comes for the struggle, she will always be seen casing her limbs in the armour hung up in her halls since the last triumphs of the Constitution; and those limbs, too, will be able to bear it. Even those trials may be permitted for the express purpose of urging this most favoured of all kingdoms to the periodic exercise of her strength. The foundation may be suffered to sweep the land, only to teach us to build the rampart, and thus reclaim a broader shore for posterity. The tempest may hurry away the surface of the soil, only to awake us to the exhaustless depths of treasure which lie below. We have seen, in the most heated and ambitious assemblages of Europe, the Chambers, the Cortes, the Clubs, no specimens of general ability equalling the spontaneous eloquence and knowledge displayed by even the humbler ranks in the Conservative meetings. This then is the time to save ourselves. There must be no relaxation, no security, no surrender. We speak it solemnly, as in the presence of the nation, and of a higher power than the nation, that we regard the empire as exposed to perils which nothing but an exertion of all its virtues, guided by all its wisdom, under God, can avert. We are in the hands of a Government which is itself in the hands of a faction, and that faction is Popery! It is no longer a choice of party, but a struggle for existence. The Lords have hitherto stood between us and ruin. But what is to stand between the Lords themselves and ruin? Let faction once triumph, and we are undone, rich and poor alike; Churchman and Presbyterian alike; landowner and merchant alike;-hopelessly undone; Protestantism stricken to the heart, and Popery avenging its long exile on the people, the religion, and the Constitution of the empire." In an article in the same paper, on the late Glasgow election of the Lord Rector, as an evidence of the loyal feeling of the College, it observes, that nothing could be a stronger test of the change of public opinion, from the circumstances of the individuals proposed. "There is not a Scotsman, Minister, or Radical alive, who could come forward with more advantages for favouritism than Sir John Campbell in a canvass in Glasgow. In two of his qualities he had a measureless superiority over Sir Robert Peel. As a native of the country, and rising to the highest station of the English Bar, all national prejudice must be on his side. As a member of Government, and possessing the patronage that necessarily belongs to a Minister, the reflection, that a son of Scotland was a man of great English influence, could at least do him no harm, nor indeed ought to do him any. Sir John, too, had not suffered the public recollections of himself or his office to die away; for within the month he had been promenading Scotland, attending public dinners, and making long harangues; the whole operation probably having this election in view as much as Ministerial apology. But Sir John was a Whig-Radical-one of that Cabinet which had bound itself neck and heels to the footstool of faction. This settled the question at once. Though Sir Robert Peel's name was not proposed until the last moment, and though he appeared neither in person, nor by substitute, the Englishman and the Ex-Minister swept before him all the influence of the Scotsman and the master of patronage, and Sir Robert Peel was elected by a majority of 100 321 to 221. "It is true that this was but an affair of students; yet many of those students, equally from knowledge and years, are to be regarded as men, and all capable of forming a much clearer judgment of public men and things than nine out of ten of the general constituency. The especial point of view in which we quote the transaction, is for its evidence, and most satisfactory evidence, of the recovered state of national feeling. The Radical journals will talk, of course, of the results as a matter among boys. If it had turned out otherwise, we should have heard nothing but panegyrics on the public spirit of the Glasgow College, and triumphs in the Radicalism of the rising and educated generation. But the students have shown that their studies have been wisely directed, that their principles are those of honest men, and that they will not sacrifice truth to nationality, honour to patronage, nor religion to faction. The mere election may be a thing of the hour; but the mind which it has exhibited deserves to be a solid source of congratulation to every well-wisher of the Empire." In all this we fully agree. The election of Sir Robert Peel for the Lord Rectorship has done honour to SKETCHES AMONG THE POOR. No. I. IN childhood's days, I do remember me And thoughtful ever, yet most truly kind : A call upon her tenderness whene'er The friends around her had a grief to share ; She still rejoiced, and more was wanted not. Though none at evening shared her clean hearth-stone? but me To some she might prosaic seem, E'en as the mate of some sweet singing-bird, Whene'er she heard of country homes, a smile A hope leaped up, of which that smile was part. And if you pass'd in spring-time, you might see That every breeze shook down in fragrant showers; Hymning their thanks with murmuring melody; Show'd poor and homely, to her loving breast A charm lay hidden in the very stains Which time and weather left; the old dim panes, The grey rough moss, the house-leek, you might see And in her dreams she wander'd far and wide That sister slept beneath a grassy tomb Ere time had robb'd her of her first sweet bloom. Thou callest up the lost ones, sorrow'd o'er A few short weeks, and then, unbound the chains Which held her to another's woes or pains, Farewell to dusky streets and shrouded skies, Her treasur'd home should bless her yearning eyes, Each grassy nook and wooded haunt should be. VOL. XLI. NO. CCLV. D And where so late she shared the bright glad mirth, As a fond nurse, that from the mother's breast First stills each sound, then lets the curtain fall So age drew gently o'er each wearied sense (As some lone wanderer, from his home afar, Sought her changed face with strange uncertain gaze, Stole on with all her sweet young memories rife. And all the outward fading from the world Was like the flower at night, when it has furled Yes! angel voices called her childhood back, C |