forced upon us by Great Britain during the existence of our colonial vassalage. The whole system is fully explained and illustrated in a work published as far back as the year 1750, entitled "The trade and navigation of Great Britain considered, by Joshua Gee," with extracts from which I have been furnished by the diligent researches of a friend. It will be seen from these, that the South Carolina policy now, is identical with the long cherished policy of Great Britain, which remains the same as it was when the thirteen colonies were part of the British empire. In that work the author contends- "1. That manufactures, in the American colonies, * should be discouraged or prohibited. [SENATE to set up any looms without first registering, at an office kept for that purpose, the name and place of abode of any journeyman that shall work with him. But if any particular inhabitant shall be inclined to have any linen or woollen made of their own spinning, they should not 'be abriged of the same liberty that they now make use of, viz. to carry to a weaver (who shall be licensed by the Governor) and have it wrought up for the use of the faImily, but not to be sold to any person in a private manner, nor exposed to any market or fair, upon pain of 'forfeiture. "And, inasmuch as they have been supplied with all their iron manufactures from hence, except what is used in the building of ships and other country work, onehalf of our exports being supposed to be in NAILS-a manufacture which they allow has never hitherto been carried on among them-it is proposed they shall, for time to come, never erect the manufacture of any under the size of a two shilling nail, horse nails excepted; that all slitting mills, and engines for drawing wire, or weaving stockings, be put down; and that every smith who keeps a common forge or shop, shall register his name and "Great Britain, with its dependencies, is doubtless as 'well able to subsist within itself as any nation in Europe. We have an enterprising people, fit for all the arts of peace and war. We have provisions in abundance, and those of the best sort, and are able to raise sufficient for double the number of inhabitants. We have the very 'best materials for clothing, and want nothing, either for use or even for luxury, but what we have at home, or 'might have from our colonies: so that we might make 'such an intercourse of trade among ourselves, or be-place of abode, and the name of every servant which he 'tween us and them, as would maintain a vast navigation. 'But we ought always to keep a watchful eye over our 'colonies, to restrain them from setting up any of the 'manufactures which are carried on in Britain; and any 'such attempts should be crushed in the beginning: for if they are suffered to grow up to maturity, it will be diffi'cult to suppress them."--Pages 177, 8, 9. "Our colonies are much in the same state Ireland was in, when they began the woollen manufactory, and, as their numbers increased, will fall upon manufactures for 'clothing themselves, if due care be not taken to find em'ployment for them in raising such productions as may ⚫ enable them to furnish themselves with all their necessa'ries from us." Then it was the object of this British economist to adapt the means or wealth of the colonists to the supply required by their necessities, and to make the mother country the only source of that supply. Now it seems the policy is only so far to be reversed, that we must continue to import necessaries from Great Britain, in order to enable her to purchase raw cotton from us. shall employ, which license shall be renewed once every year, and pay for the liberty of working at such trade. That all negroes shall be prohibited from weaving either linen or woollen, or spinning or combing of wool, or working at any manufacture of iron, further than making it into pig or bar iron. That they also be prohibited from manufacturing hats, stockings, or leather, of any kind. This limitation will not abridge the planters of any privilege they now enjoy. On the contrary, it will turn their industry to promoting and raising those rough materials.” The author then proposes that the Board of Trade and Plantations should be furnished with statistical accounts of the various permitted manufactures, to enable them to encourage or repress the industry of the colonists, and prevent the danger of interference with British industry. "It is hoped that this mothod would allay the heat that some people have shown for destroying the iron works on the plantations, and pulling down all their forges; taking away, in a violent manner, their estates and properties; 'preventing the husbandmen from getting their plough"I should, therefore, think it worthy the care of the shares, carts, and other utensils, mended; destroying the 'Government to endeavor, by all possible means, to en- 'manufacture of ship-building, by depriving them of the 'courage them in raising of silk, hemp, flax, iron, [only liberty of making bolts, spikes, and other things proper 'pig, to be hammered in England,] pot ash, &c. by giv- for carrying on that work; by which article, returns are ing them competent bounties in the beginning, and send-made for purchasing our woollen manufactures."--Pages ing over judicious and skilful persons, at the public 87, 88, 89. 'charge, to assist and instruct them in the most proper Such is the picture of colonists dependent upon the 'methods of management, which, in my apprehension, mother country for their necessary supplies, drawn by a would lay a foundation for establishing the most profita- writer who was not among the number of those who de'ble trade of any we have. And considering the com-sired to debar them the means of building a vessel, erect'manding situation of our colonies along the seacoast; ing a forge, or mending a ploughshare, but who was wil'the great convenience of navigable rivers in all of them; ling to promote their growth and property, as far as was 'the cheapness of land, and the easiness of raising provi- consistent with the paramount interests of the manufac'sions; great numbers of people would transport them- turing or parent State. 'selves thither to settle upon such improvements. Now, 'as people have been filled with fears that the colonies, if encouraged to raise rough materials, would set up for 'themselves, a little regulation would remove all those 'jealousies out of the way. They have never thrown or wove any silk as yet that we have heard of: therefore, "2. The advantages to Great Britain from keeping the if a law was made to prohibit the use of every throw-carry back clothing and other accommodations for their 'ster's mill, or doubling or horsling silk with any machine families; all of which is of the merchandise and manu'whatever, they would then send it us raw: and, as they facture of this kingdom." will have the providing rough materials to themselves, After showing how this system tends to concentrate all 'so shall we have the manufacturing of them. If encou- the surplus of acquisition over absolute expenditure, in 'ragement be given for raising hemp, flax, &c. doubtless England, he says: they will soon begin to manufacture, if not prevented: All these advantages we receive by the plantations, therefore, to stop the progress of any such manufac-besides the mortgages on the planters' estates, and the ture, it is proposed that no weaver there shall have liberty high interest they pay us, which is very considerable; SENATE.] The Tariff. [FEB. 2, 1832. and therefore very great care ought to be taken, in re- the other of principle. It assumes that we do not in fact 'gulating all affairs of the colonists, that the planters be purchase of Great Britain. What is the true state of the not put under too many difficulties, but encouraged to go case? There are certain, but very few articles which it is on cheerfully. thought sound policy requires that we should manufacture "New England, and the northern colonies, have not at home, and on these the tariff operates. But, with re'commodities and products enough to send us in return spect to all the rest, and much the larger number of artifor purchasing their necessary clothing, but are under cles of taste, fashion, or utility, they are subject to no very great difficulties; and, therefore, any ordinary sort other than revenue duties, and are freely introduced. I sell with them. And when they have grown out of have before me, from the treasury, a statement of our imfashion with us, they are new fashioned enough there." ports from England, Scotland, and Ireland, including ten Sir, I cannot go on with this disgusting detail. Their years preceding the last, and three quarters of the last refuse goods; their old shopkeepers; their cast off clothes, year, from which it will appear that, although there are good enough for us! Was there ever a scheme more art- some fluctuations in the amount of the different years, the fully devised, by which the energies and faculties of one largest amount imported in any one year has been since people should be kept down and rendered subservient to the tariff of 1824, and that the last year's importation, the pride, and the pomp, and the power of another! when the returns of the fourth quarter shall be received, The system then proposed differs only from that which is will probably be the greatest in the whole term of eleven now recommended, in one particular--that was intended years. to be enforced by power, this would not be less effectu- Now, if it be admitted that there is a less amount of the ally executed by the force of circumstances. A gentleman protected articles imported from Great Britain, she may in Boston, (Mr. Lee,) the agent of the Free Trade Conven- be, and probably is, compensated for the deficiency, by tion, from whose exhaustless mint there is a constant issue the increased consumption in America of the articles of of reports, seems to envy the blessed condition of depend- her industry not falling within the scope of the policy ent Canada, when compared to the oppressed state of this of our protection. The establishment of manufactures Union; and it is a fair inference from the view which he among us excites the creation of wealth, and this gives presents, that he would have us to hasten back to the new powers of consumption, which are gratified by the golden days of that colonial bondage, which is so well de- purchase of foreign objects. A poor nation can never be picted in the work from which I have been quoting. Mr. a great consuming nation. Its poverty will limit its conLee exhibits two tabular statements, in one of which he sumption to bare subsistence. presents the high duties which he represents to be paid in the ports of the United States, and, in the other, those which are paid in Canada, generally about two per cent. ad valorem. But did it not occur to him that the duties levied in Canada are paid chiefly on British manufactures, or on articles passing from one to another part of a common empire; and that, to present a parallel case, in the United States, he ought to have shown that importations made into one State from another, which are now free, are subject to the same or higher duties than are paid in Canada? The erroneous principle which the argument includes, is, that it devolves on us the duty of taking care that Great Britain shall be enabled to purchase from us, without exacting from Great Britain the corresponding duty. If it be true, on one side, that nations are bound to shape their policy in reference to the ability of foreign Powers, it must be true on both sides of the Atlantic. And this reciprocal obligation ought to be emphatically regarded towards the nation supplying the raw material, by the manufacturing nation, because the industry of the latter gives four or five values to what had been produced by the industry of the former. I will now, Mr. President, proceed to a more particular consideration of the arguments urged against the protect- But, does Great Britain practise towards us upon the ive system, and an inquiry into its practical operation, principles which we are now required to observe in reespecially on the cotton-growing country. And, as I wish gard to her? The exports to the United Kingdom, as apto state and meet the argument fairly, I invite correction pears from the same treasury statement just adverted to, of my statement of it, if necessary. It is alleged that the during eleven years, from 1821 to 1831, and exclusive of system operates prejudicially to the cotton planter, by di- the fourth quarter of the last year, fall short of the amount minishing the foreign demand for his staple; that we can of imports by upwards of forty-six millions of dollars, and not sell to Great Britain, unless we buy from her; that the the total amount, when the returns of that quarter are import duty is equivalent to an export duty, and falls upon received, will exceed fifty millions of dollars! It is surthe cotton grower; that South Carolina pays a dispropor- prising how we have been able to sustain, for so long a tionate quota of the public revenue; that an abandonment time, a trade so very unequal. We must have been absoof the protective policy would lead to an augmentation of lutely ruined by it, if the unfavorable balance had not our exports of an amount not less than one hundred and been neutralized by more profitable commerce with other fifty millions of dollars; and, finally, that the South cannot parts of the world. Of all nations Great Britain has the partake of the advantages of manufacturing, if there be least cause to complain of the trade between the two any. Let us examine these various propositions, in detail. countries. Our imports from that single Power are nearly 1. That the foreign demand for cotton is diminished; and one-third of the entire amount of our importations from that we cannot sell to Great Britain unless we buy from all foreign countries together. Great Britain constantly her. The demand of both our great foreign customers is acts on the maxim of buying only what she wants and constantly and annually increasing. It is true that the cannot produce, and selling to foreign nations the utmost ratio of the increase may not be equal to that of produc- amount she can. In conformity with this maxim, she extion; but this is owing to the fact that the power of pro- cludes articles of prime necessity produced by us-equalducing the raw material is much greater, and is therefore ly if not more necessary than any of her industry which constantly in the advance of the power of consumption.we tax, although the admission of those articles would A single fact will illustrate. The average produce of la- increase our ability to purchase from her, according to the borers engaged in the cultivation of cotton may be esti- argument of gentlemen. mated at five bales, or fifteen hundred weight to the hand. Supposing the annual average consumption of each individual who uses cotton cloth to be five pounds, one hand can produce enough of the raw material to clothe three hundred. The argument comprehends two errors, one of fact and If we purchased still less from Great Britain than we do, and our conditions were reversed, so that the value of her imports from this country exceeded that of her exports to it, she would only then be compelled to do what we have so long done, and what South Carolina does, in her trade with Kentucky-make up for the unfavorable balance by FEB. 2, 1832.] The Tariff [SENATE. 2. That the import duty is equivalent to an export duty, and falls on the producer of cotton. trade with other places and countries. How does she who are embraced within it the productions of their renow dispose of the one hundred and sixty millions of dol-spective industry. The cotton grower sells the raw malars worth of cotton fabrics, which she annually sells? terial to the manufacturer; he buys the iron, the bread, the Of that amount the United States do not purchase five per meal, the coal, and the countless number of objects of his cent. What becomes of the other ninety-five per cent.? consumption, from his fellow-citizens, and they, in turn, Is it not sold to other Powers, and would not their mar- purchase his fabrics. Putting it upon the ground merely kets remain if ours were totally shut? Would she not of supplying those with necessary articles, who could not continue, as she now finds it her interest, to purchase the otherwise obtain them, ought there to be, from any quarraw material from us, to supply those markets? Would ter, an objection to the only system by which that object she be guilty of the folly of depriving herself of markets can be accomplished? But can there be any doubt, with to the amount of upwards of $150,000,000, because we those who will reflect, that the actual amount of cotton refused her a market for some eight or ten millions? consumed is increased by the home manufacture? The But if there were a diminution of the British demand main argument of gentlemen is founded upon the idea of for cotton, equal to the loss of a market for the few Bri-mutual ability resulting from mutual exchanges. They tish fabrics which are within the scope of our protective would furnish an ability to foreign nations by purchasing policy, the question would still remain, whether the cotton from them, and I, to our own people, by exchanges at planter is not amply indemnified by the creation of addi- home. If the American manufacture were discontinued, tional demand elsewhere. With respect to the cotton and that of England were to take its place, how would she grower, it is the totality of the demand, and not its distri- sell the additional quantity of twenty-four millions of cotton bution, which affects his interests. If any system of policy goods which we now make? To us? That has been shown will augment the aggregate of the demand, that system is to be impracticable. To other foreign nations? She has favorable to his interests, although its tendency may be to already pushed her supplies to them to the utmost extent. vary the theatre of the demand. It could not, for exam- The ultimate consequence would, then, be to diminish ple, be injurious to him, if, instead of Great Britain con- the total consumption of cotton, to say nothing now of the tinuing to receive the entire quantity of cotton which she reduction of price that would take place by throwing into now does, two or three hundred thousand bales of it were the ports of Great Britain the two hundred thousand bales taken to the other side of the channel, and increased, to that which, no longer being manufactured in the United States, extent, the French demand. It would be better for him, be- would go thither. cause it is always better to have several markets than one. Now, if, instead of a transfer to the opposite side of the channel of those two or three hundred thousand bales, [Here Mr. HAYNE explained, and said that he never they are transported to the Northern States, can that be contended that an import duty was equivalent to an export injurious to the cotton grower? Is it not better for him? duty, under all circumstances; he had explained in his Is it not better to have a market at home, unaffected by speech his ideas of the precise operation of the existing syswar or other foreign causes, for that amount of his staple? tem. To which Mr. CLAY replied that he had seen the If the establishment of American manufactures, there-argument so stated in some of the ingenious essays from fore, had the sole effect of creating a new, and an Ameri- the South Carolina press, and would therefore answer it.] can, demand for cotton, exactly to the same extent in which The framers of our constitution, by granting the power it lessened the British demand, there would be no just to Congress to lay import, and prohibiting that of laycause of complaint against the tariff. The gain in one ing an export duty, manifested that they did not regard place would precisely equal the loss in the other. But the them as equivalent. Nor does the common sense of mantrue state of the matter is much more favorable to the cot-kind. An export fastens upon, and incorporates itself ton grower. It is calculated that the cotton manufactories with, the article on which it is laid. The article cannot of the United States absorb at least two hundred thousand escape from it—it pursues and follows it wherever the arbales of cotton annually. I believe it to be more. The two ports of Boston and Providence alone received, during the last year, near one hundred and ten thousand bales. The amount is annually increasing. The raw material of that two hundred thousand bales is worth six millions, and there is an additional value conferred by the manufacturer, of eighteen millions; it being generally calculated that, in such cotton fabrics as we are in the habit of making, the manufacture constitutes three-fourths of the value of the article. If, therefore, these twenty-four millions worth But it is confidently argued that the import duty falls of cotton fabrics were not made in the United States, but upon the grower of cotton; and the case has been put in were manufactured in Great Britain, in order to obtain debate, and again and again, in conversation, of the South them, we should have to add to the already enormous dis- Carolina planter, who exports one hundred bales of cotton proportion between the amount of our imports and ex- to Liverpool, exchanges them for one hundred bales of ports, in the trade with Great Britain, the further sum of merchandise, and, when he brings them home, being comtwenty-four millions, or, deducting the price of the raw ma-pelled to leave at the custom-house forty bales in the form terial, eighteen millions! And will gentlemen tell me how of duties. The argument is founded on the assumption that it would be possible for this country to sustain such a ruin- a duty of forty per cent. amounts to a subtraction of forty ous trade? From all that portion of the United States from the hundred bales of merchandise. The first objeclying north and east of James river, and west of the moun- tion to it is, that it supposes a case of barter which never tains, Great Britain receives comparatively nothing. How occurs. If it be replied that it, nevertheless, occurs in would it be possible for the inhabitants of that largest por- the operations of commerce, the answer would be, that, tion of our territory to supply themselves with cotton fa- since the export of Carolina cotton is chiefly made by brics, if they were brought from England exclusively? New York or foreign merchants, the loss stated, if it really They could not do it. But for the existence of the Ame-accrued, would fall upon them, and not upon the planter. rican manufacture, they would be compelled greatly to cur- But, to test the correctness of the hypothetical case, let tail their supplies, if not absolutely to suffer in their com- us suppose that the duty, instead of forty per cent., should forts. By its existence at home, the circle of those ex-be one hundred and fifty, which is asserted to be the duty changes is created, which reciprocally diffuses among all in some cases. Then, the planter would not only lose the VOL. VIII-18 ticle goes; and if, in the foreign market, the supply is above or just equal to the demand, the amount of the export duty will be a clear deduction to the exporter from the price of the article. But an import duty on a foreign article leaves the exporter of the domestic article free, 1st, to import specie; 2dly, goods which are free from the protecting duty; or, 3dly, such goods as, being chargeable with the protecting duty, he can sell at home, and throw the duty on the consumer. SENATE.] The Tariff. [FEB. 2, 1832. whole hundred bales of merchandise which he had gotten [Mr. HAYNE said that he did not mean that the increase for his hundred bales of cotton, but he would have to pur- of one hundred and fifty millions to the amount of our chase, with other means, an additional fifty bales, in order exports, would be of cotton alone, but of other articles.] to enable him to pay the duties accruing on the proceeds What other articles? Agricultural produce-bread of the cotton. Another answer is, that if the producer stuffs--beef and pork? &c. Where shall we find markets of cotton in America, exchanged against English fabrics, for them? Whither shall we go? To what country, whose pays the duty, the producer of those fabrics also pays it, ports are not hermetically sealed against their admission? and then it is twice paid. Such must be the consequence, Break down the home market, and you are without reunless the principle is true on one side of the Atlantic, source. Destroy all other interests in the country, for and false on the other. The true answer is, that the ex- the imaginary purpose of advancing the cotton-planting porter of an article, if he invests its proceeds in a foreign interest, and you inflict a positive injury, without the market, takes care to make the investment in such mer-smallest practical benefit to the cotton planter. Could chandise as, when brought home, he can sell with a fair Charleston, or the whole South, when all other markets profit; and, consequently, the consumer would pay the are prostrated, or shut against the reception of the surplus original cost and charges and profit. of our farmers, receive that surplus? Would they buy 3. The next objection to the American system is, that more than they might want for their own consumption? it subjects South Carolina to the payment of an undue Could they find markets which other parts of the Union proportion of the public revenue. The basis of this ob- could not? Would gentlemen force the freemen of all, jection is the assumption, shown to have been erroneous, north of James river, east and west, like the miserathat the producer of the exports from this country pays ble slave, on the Sabbath day, to repair to Charleston, the duty on its imports, instead of the consumer of those with a turkey under his arm, or a pack upon his back, imports. The amount which South Carolina really con- and beg the clerk of some English or Scotch merchant, tributes to the public revenue, no more than that of any living in his gorgeous palace, or rolling in his splendid other State, can be precisely ascertained. It depends coach in the streets, to exchange his "truck" for a bit of upon her consumption of articles paying duties, and we flannel to cover his naked wife and children! No! I am may make an approximation sufficient for all practical pur- sure that I do no more than justice to their hearts, when poses. The cotton planters of the valley of the Missis-I believe that they would reject what I believe to be the sippi, with which I am acquainted, generally expend about inevitable effects of their policy. one-third of their income in the support of their families 5. But it is contended, in the last place, that the South and plantations. On this subject, I hold in my hands a cannot, from physical and other causes, engage in the statement from a friend of mine, of great accuracy, and a manufacturing arts. I deny the premises, and I deny the member of the Senate. According to this statement, in conclusion. I deny the fact of inability, and, if it existed, a crop of ten thousand dollars, the expenses may fluctuate I deny the conclusion that we must, therefore, break between two thousand eight hundred dollars and three down our manufactures, and nourish those of foreign thousand two hundred dollars. Of this sum, about one-countries. The South possesses, in an extraordinary defourth, from seven to eight hundred dollars, may be laid gree, two of the most important elements of manufacturout in articles paying the protecting duty; the residue is ing industry-water power and labor. The former gives disbursed for provisions, mules, horses, oxen, wages of to our whole country a most decided advantage over Great overseer, &c. Estimating the exports of South Carolina Britain. But a single experiment, stated by the gentleat eight millions, one-third is two million 'six hundred and man from South Carolina, in which a faithless slave put sixty-six thousand six hundred and sixty-six dollars; of the torch to a manufacturing establishment, has discouragwhich, one-fourth will be six hundred and sixty-six thousand ed similar enterprises. We have, in Kentucky, the same six hundred and sixty-six and two-thirds dollars. Now, description of population, and we employ them, and almost supposing the protecting duty to be fifty per cent., and exclusively employ them, in many of our hemp manufacthat it all enters into the price of the article, the amount tories. A neighbor of mine, one of our most opulent and paid by South Carolina would only be three hundred and respectable citizens, has had one, two, if not three, mathirty-three thousand three hundred and thirty-three and nufactories burnt by incendiaries; but he persevered, and one-third dollars. But the total revenue of the United his perseverance has been rewarded with wealth. States may be stated at twenty-five millions, of which, the found that it was less expensive to keep night watches, than proportion of South Carolina, whatever standard, whether to pay premiums for insurance, and we employed them. of wealth or population, be adopted, would be about one Let it be supposed, however, that the South cannot million. Of course, on this view of the subject, she actually manufacture; must those parts of the Union which can, pays only about one-third of her fair and legitimate share. be therefore prevented? Must we support those of foreign I repeat, that I have no personal knowledge of the habits countries? I am sure that injustice would be done to the of actual expenditure in South Carolina; they may be generous and patriotic nature of South Carolina, if it were greater than I have stated, in respect to other parts of the believed that she envied or repined at the success of other cotton country, but, if they are, that fact does not arise portions of the Union in branches of industry to which she from any defect in the system of public policy. might happen not to be adapted. Throughout her whole career she has been liberal, national, high-minded. We 4. An abandonment of the American system, it is urged, would lead to an addition to our exports of one The friends of the American system have been remindhundred and fifty millions of dollars. The amount of one ed, by the honorable gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. hundred and fifty millions of cotton, in the raw state, SMITH,] that they are the majority, and he has admonished would produce four hundred and fifty millions in the ma- them to exercise their power in moderation. The majority nufactured state, supposing no greater measure of value ought never to trample upon the feelings, or violate the to be communicated, in the manufactured form, than that just rights of the minority. They ought never to triumph which our industry imparts. Now, sir, where would over the fallen, nor to make any but a temperate and markets be found for this vast addition to the supply? equitable use of their power. But these counsels come Not in the United States, certainly, nor in any other with an ill grace from the gentleman from Maryland. He, quarter of the globe, England having already every where too, is a member of a majority-a political majority. And pressed her cotton manufactures to the utmost point of how has the administration of that majority exercised their repletion. We must look out for new worlds, seek for power in this country? Recall to your recollection the new and unknown races of mortals, to consume this im- 4th of March, 1829, when the lank, lean, famished forms, mense increase of cotton fabrics. from fen and forest, and the four quarters of the Union, FEB. 2, 1832.] The Tariff [SENATE. gathered together in the halls of patronage, or stealing, of which I did complain; not smuggling, in the common by evening's twilight, into the apartments of the Presi- sense of that practice, which has something bold, daring, dent's mansion, cried out, with ghastly faces, and in and enterprising in it, but mean, barefaced cheating by sepulchral tones, Give us bread! Give us treasury pap! fraudulent invoices and false denomination. Give us our reward! England's bard was mistaken; ghosts I plant myself upon this FACT of cheapness and supewill sometimes come, called or uncalled. Go to the fami- riority, as upon impregnable ground. Gentlemen may lies who were driven from the employments on which tax their ingenuity, and produce a thousand speculative they were dependent for subsistence, in consequence of solutions of the fact, but the fact itself will remain undistheir exercise of the dearest right of freemen. Go to turbed. Let us look into some particulars. The total mothers, whilst hugging to their bosoms their starving consumption of bar iron in the United States is supposed children. Go to fathers, who, after being disqualified, by to be about one hundred and forty-six thousand tons, of long public service, for any other business, were stripped which one hundred and twelve thousand eight hundred of their humble places, and then sought, by the minions of and sixty-six tons are made within the country, and the authority, to be stripped of all that was left them-their residue imported. The number of men employed in the good names--and ask, what mercy was shown to them! As manufacture is estimated at twenty-nine thousand two for myself, born in the midst of the revolution, the first hundred and fifty-four, and the total number of persons air that I ever breathed on my native soil of Virginia hav-subsisted by it at one hundred and forty-six thousand ing been that of liberty and independence, I never ex- two hundred and seventy-three. The measure of protecpected justice nor desired mercy at their hands; and tion extended to this necessary article was never fully scorn the wrath, and defy the oppression of power! adequate until the passage of the act of 1828; and what I regret, Mr. President, that one topic has, I think un- has been the consequence? The annual increase of necessarily, been introduced into this debate. I allude to quantity, since that period, has been in a ratio of near the charge brought against the manufacturing system, as twenty-five per cent., and the wholesale price of bar favoring the growth of aristocracy. If it were true, would iron in the Northern cities was, in 1828, one hundred gentlemen prefer supporting foreign accumulations of and five dollars per ton; in 1829, one hundred dollars; wealth, by that description of industry, rather than their in 1830, ninety dollars; and in 1831, from eighty-five own country? But is it correct? The joint stock com- to seventy-five dollars-constantly diminishing. We impanies of the North, as I understand them, are nothing port very little English iron, and that which we do is more than associations, sometimes of hundreds, by means very inferior, and only adapted to a few purposes. In of which the small earnings of many are brought into a instituting a comparison between that inferior article and common stock; and the associates, obtaining corporate our superior iron, subjects, entirely different, are comprivileges, are enabled to prosecute, under one superin- pared. They are made by different processes. The Engtending head, their business to better advantage. Nothing lish cannot make iron of equal quality to ours, at a less can be more essentially democratic, or better devised to price than we do. They have three classes, best-best, counterpoise the influence of individual wealth. In Ken- and best, and ordinary. It is the latter which is imported. tucky, almost every manufactory known to me is in the Of the whole amount imported, there is only about four hands of enterprising self-made men, who have acquired thousand tons of foreign iron that pays the high duty; whatever wealth they possess by patient and diligent labor. the residue paying only a duty of about thirty per cent., Comparisons are odious, and, but in defence, would not estimated on the prices of the importation of 1829. Our be made by me. But is there more tendency to aristo-iron ore is superior to that of Great Britain, yielding often cracy in a manufactory, supporting hundreds of freemen, or in a cotton plantation, with its not less numerous slaves, Sustaining, perhaps, only two white families--that of the master and the overseer? from sixty to eighty per cent., whilst theirs produces only about twenty-five. This fact is so well known, that I have heard of recent exportations of iron ore to England. It has been alleged that bar iron, being a raw material, I pass, with pleasure, from this disagreeable topic to ought to be admitted free, or with low duties, for the sake two general propositions which cover the entire ground of the manufacturers themselves. But I take this to be of debate. The first is, that, under the operation of the the true principle, that, if our country is producing a raw American system, the objects which it protects and fosters material of prime necessity, and, with reasonable protecare brought to the consumer at cheaper prices than they tion, can produce it in sufficient quantity to supply our commanded prior to its introduction, or than they would wants, that raw material ought to be protected, although command if it did not exist. If that be true, ought not it may be proper to protect the article also out of which the country to be contented and satisfied with the system, it is manufactured. The tailor will ask protection for unless the second proposition, which I mean presently himself, but wishes it denied to the grower of wool and also to consider, is unfounded? And that is, that the ten- the manufacturer of broadcloth. The cotton planter endency of the system is to sustain, and that it has upheld, joys protection for the raw material, but does not desire the prices of all our agricultural and other produce, in- it to be extended to the cotton manufacturer. The shipcluding cotton. builder will ask protection for navigation, but does not And is the fact not indisputable, that all essential objects wish it extended to the essential articles which enter into of consumption, affected by the tariff, are cheaper and the construction of his ship. Each, in his proper vocabetter, since the act of 1824, than they were for several tion, solicits protection, but would have it denied to all years prior to that law? I appeal, for its truth, to com- other interests which are supposed to come into collision mon observation and to all practical men. I appeal to with his. Now, the duty of the statesman is, to elevate the farmer of the country, whether he does not purchase, himself above these petty conflicts; calmly to survey all on better terms, his iron, salt, brown sugar, cotton goods, the various interests, and deliberately to proportion the and woollens, for his laboring people. And I ask the measure of protection to each, according to its nature cotton planter if he has not been better and more cheaply and to the general wants of society. It is quite possible supplied with his cotton bagging. In regard to this latter that, in the degree of protection which has been afforded article, the gentleman from South Carolina was mistaken to the various workers in iron, there may be some error in supposing that I complained that, under the existing committed, although I have lately read an argument of duty, the Kentucky manufacturer could not compete with much ability, proving that no injustice has really been the Scotch. The Kentuckian furnishes a more substan-done to them. If there be, it ought to be remedied. tial and a cheaper article, and at a more uniform and re- The next article to which I would call the attention of gular price. But it was the frauds, the violations of law, the Senate, is that of cotton fabrics. The success of our |