and whilke way wud be best to take to proceed against him, if he be proved to be sic an incendiary, and that will clepe his wings from soaring to the prejudice of our cause.

"Now you may ken that, by our law in Scotland, we 'clepe him an incendiary wha kindleth coals of contention, and raiseth differences, in the state, to the public damage; and he is tanquam publicus hostis patriæ: whether your law be the same or not, you ken best, who are mickle learned therein, and therefore, with the favour of His Excellency, we desire your judgment thereon."

But the lawyers were wary; moreover they perhaps knew the madness of this attempt, and saw into its design, and their answer brought the plot to a standstill.

Whitelock replied, "that if such proofs could 'be made out,' then he was 'to be proceeded against for it by Parliament, upon his being there accused of such things.' He added, that he took 'LieutenantGeneral Cromwell to be a gentleman of quick and subtle parts, and one who had, especially of late, gained no small interest in the House of Commons: nor was he wanting in friends in the House of Peers; nor of abilities in himself, to manage his own part or defence to the best advantage.' In conclusion, he could not 'advise that, at that time, he should be accused for an incendiary; but rather that direction might be given to collect such passages relating to him, by which their lordships might judge whether they

would amount to prove him an incendiary or not.' Maynard, afterwards speaking, observed that 'Lieutenant-General Cromwell was a person of great favour and interest with the House of Commons, and with some of the House of Peers likewise;' and that, therefore, 'there must be proofs, and the more clear and evident, against him, to prevail with the Parliament to adjudge him to be an incendiary;' which he believed would be more difficult than perhaps some might imagine to fasten upon him.'"

speech, in the

While this plot was in movement, Cromwell certainly appears to have been himself labouring to curtail the power of the General Earls. He impeached Manchester with backwardness in entrance upon engagements. He appears in his House of Commons, to have run over a series of charges, certainly affecting the fitness of his commander for his post. Manchester in turn accused Cromwell of saying that "it would never be well with England until the Earl was plain Mr. Montague; that the Scots had crossed the Tweed only for the purpose of establishing Presbyterianism; and that, in that cause, he would as soon draw his sword against them as against the king; and sundry other things."

The charges against both, on both sides, dropped; but the House of Commons resolved itself into a committee, for the purpose of considering how best to bring the war to an issue.

On this occasion the speech of Cromwell was masterly in the extreme; he concluded by calling

for a remodelling of the whole army, a stricter discipline, and a measure aiming at the dismissal of the Earls of Essex, Manchester, and Denbigh. This was the famous Self-denying Ordinance, by which all members of the Senate were incapacitated for serving in the army. The Lords protested against this, because it would effectually cut off all their body from being perpetually peers; but this was its very object. Sir Thomas Fairfax, not a member, was for that reason elected to supreme command; and thus, it appeared, that some obstacles were removed. Could it be imagined that the power and place of Cromwell were also suspended? The Parliament, at any rate in his instance, suspended the Self-denying Ordinance; was not this a proof that it was perceived that he was the most capable man in the kingdom?