is something in the way to obstruct and crumble them before their weight is too great and irresistible.

"These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous things. Let the reins of government, then, be braced and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the constitution be reprehended. If defective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled upon, while it has an existence."

Virginia placed the name of Washington at the head of her delegates for the proposed convention. Letters poured in upon him from all sides, urging his acceptance of the appointment. In answer to a letter from Mr. Madison, who had been the principal advocate of the measure in the Virginia legislature, General Washington replied, "Although I have oid a public adieu to the public walks of life, and had resolved never more to tread that theatre, yet, if upon any occasion so interesting to the well being of our confederacy, it nad been the wish of the assembly that I should be an associate in the business of revising the federal system, I should, from a sense of the obligation I am under for repeated proofs of confidence in me, more than from any opinion I could entertain of my usefulness, have obeyed its call; but it is now out of my power to do this with any degree of consistency. The cause I will mention.

"I presume you heard, sir, that I was first appointed, and have since been re-chosen, president of the society of the Cincinnati; and you may have understood, also, that the triennial general meeting of this body is to be held in Philadel phia the first Monday in May next. Some particular reasons, combining with the peculiar situation of my private concerns, the necessity of paying attention to them, a wish for retirement, and relaxation from public cares, and rheumatic pains, which I begin to feel very sensibly, induced me, on the 31st ultimo, to address a circular letter to each state society, informing them of my intention not to be at the next meeting, and of my desire not to be re-chosen president. The vicepresident is also informed of this, that the business of the society may not be impeded by my absence. Under these eircumstances, it will readily be perceived, that I could not appear at the same time and place, on any other occasion, without giving offence to a very respectable and deserving

part of the community, the late officers of the American army."

The meeting of the convention was postponed to a day subsequent to that of the meeting of the Cincinnati. This removed one of the difficulties in the way of Washington's acceptance of a seat in the convention, and, joined with the importance of the call, and his own eager desire to advance the public interest, finally induced his compliance with the wishes of his friends.

The convention met in Philadelphia, in May, and unanimously chose George Washington their president. On the 17th of September, 1787, they closed their labours, and submitted the result to congress, with their opinion “that it should be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in each state by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its legislature, for their assent and ratification."

By this new form of government, ample powers were given to congress, without the intervention of the states, for every purpose that national dignity, interest, or happiness required.

The ablest pens, and most eloquent tongues, were employed for, and against, its acceptance. In this animated contest, Washington took no part. Having with his sword. vindicated the right of his country to self-government, and, having with his advice aided in digesting an efficient form of government, which he most thoroughly approved, it seemed that he wished the people to decide for themselves, whether to accept or reject it.

The constitution being accepted by eleven states, and paratory measures being taken for bringing it into operation, all eyes were turned to Washington, as the fittest man for the office of President of the United States. His correspondents began to press his acceptance of the high office, ast essential to the well being of his country.

To those who think that Washington was like other men, it will scarcely appear possible, that supreme magistracy póssessed no charms sufficient to tempt him from his beloved retirement, when he was healthy and strong, and only fiftyseven years old; but, if an opinion can be formed of his real sentiments, from the tenor of his life and confidential com munications to his most intimate friends, a conviction will be

produced, that his acceptance of the presidency of the United States was the result of a victory obtained by a sense of duty over his inclinations, and was a real sacrifice of the latter to the former.

In a letter to colonel Henry Lee, Washington observes ; "Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increas ing fondness for agricultural amusements, and my growing love of retirement, augment and confirm my decided predilection for the character of a private citizen; yet it will be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former reputation might be exposed, nor the terror of encountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance, but a belief that some other person, who had less pretence, and less inclination to be excused, could execute all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself. To say more, would be indiscreet, as a disclosure of a refusal beforehand, might incur the application of the fable, in which the fox is represented as undervaluing the grapes he could not reach. You will perceive, my dear sir, by what is here observed, and which you will be pleased to consider in the light of a confi dential communication, that my inclinations will dispose and decide me to remain as I am, unless a clear and insurmount able conviction should be impressed on my mind, that some very disagreeable consequences must in all human probabili. ty result from the indulgence of my wishes."

In a letter to colonel Hamilton, Washington observes, "If I am not grossly deceived in myself, I should unfeignedly rejoice, in case the electors, by giving their votes to some other person, would save me from the dreadful dilemma of being forced to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I am in the next place, earnestly desirous of searching out the truth, and of knowing whether there does not exist a probability that the government would just as happily and effectually be carried into execution, without my aid, as with it. I am truly solicitous to obtain all the previous information which the circumstances will afford, and to determine, when the determination can no longer be postponed, according to the principles of right reason, and the dictates of a clear conscience, without too great a reference to the unforeseen consequences which may affect my person or reputation. Until that period, I may fairly hold myself open to conviction

though I allow your sentiments to have weight in them; and I shall not pass by your arguments, without giving them as dispassionate a consideration as I can possibly bestow upon them.

"In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light I have been able to place it, I will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as I have been taught to expect I might, and perhaps, must be called upon, ere long, to make the decision. You will, I am well assured, believe the assertion, that I have little expectation it would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with me, that if I should receive the appointment, and should be prevailed upon to ac cept it, the acceptance would be attended with more difficulty and reluctance, than I ever experienced before.—It would be, however, with a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever assistance might be in my power to promote the public weal, in hopes that at a convenient and early period, my services might be dispensed with; and that I might be permitted once more to retire, to pass an unclouded evening, after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic tranquillity."

In a letter to general Lincoln, Washington observes, "I may, however, with great sincerity, and I believe without offending against modesty and propriety, say to you, that I most heartily wish the choice to which you allude, might not fall upon me; and that if it should, I must reserve to myself the right of making up my final decision, at the last moment, when it can be brought into one view, and when the expediency or inexpediency of a refusal can be more judiciously determined, than at present. But be assured, my dear sir, if, from any inducement, I shall be persuaded ultimately to accept, it will not be, so far as I know my own heart, from any of a private or personal nature. Every personal consideration conspires to rivet me, if I may use the expression, to retirement.-At my time of life, and under my circumstances, nothing in this world can ever draw me from it, unless it be a conviction that the partiality of my countrymen has made my services absolutely necessary, joined to a fear that my refusal might induce a belief that I preferred the conservation of my own reputation and private ease, to the good of

my country! After all, if I should conceive myself in a manner constrained to accept, I call Heaven to witness, that this very act would be the greatest sacrifice of my personal feelings and wishes, that ever I have been called upon to make. It would be to forego repose and domestic enjoyment, for trouble, perhaps for public obloquy; for I should consider myself as entering upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side with clouds and darkness.

"From this embarrassing situation, I had naturally supposed that my declarations at the close of the war, would have saved me, and that my sincere intentions, then publicly made known, would have effectually precluded me, for ever afterwards, from being looked upon as a candidate for any office. This hope, as a last anchor of worldly happiness in old age, I had carefully preserved, until the public papers and private letters from my correspondence in almost every quarter, taught me to apprehend that I might soon be obliged to answer the question, whether I would go again into public life or not."

serves,

In a letter to the marquis de la Fayette, Washington ob "Your sentiments indeed coincide much more nearly with those of my other friends, than with my own feelings. In truth, my difficulties increase and magnify as I draw towards the period, when, according to the common belief, it will be necessary for me to give a definite answer, in one way or other. Should circumstances render it in a man ner inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be assured, my dear sir, I shall assume the task with the most unfeigned reluctance, and with a real diffidence, for which I shall probably receive no credit from the world. If I know my own heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty, will induce me again to take an active part in public affairs. And in that case, if I can form a plan for my own conduct, my endea vours shall be unremittingly exerted, even at the hazard of former fame, or present popularity, to extricate my country from the embarrassments in which it is entangled through want of credit, and to establish a general system of policy, which, if pursued, will ensure permanent felicity to the commonwealth. I think I see a path as clear and as direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attainment of that object. Nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality, are