he used to be with a relation of his who was very disaffected, Vernon, a mercer, where the Pretender's health was frequently drunk. Among the guests was a Lord Ravensworth, who foolishly repeated these idle words to Mr. Pelham, the Prime Minister. An inquiry was then instituted; and Fawcett, in the course of it, stated that, though he could not recollect positively whether Johnson drank the disloyal health, he was certain that Murray and Stone had done so several times, and down so late as the year 1732. The matter was then referred to the Privy Council, before whom the accused appeared and made their defence.

Murray spoke with his customary skill, but perhaps with less than his usual candour. He declared that, ever since he had been able to form his own opinions, he had been well affected to the present establishment. That when he went to Oxford he had taken the oaths to the Government, and had done so seriously and sincerely. That when he pleaded at the bar of the Commons, it was with entire fidelity to the principles by which the Government was supported. That he had determined never to enter the House of Commons but upon Whig principles, and that when at last he accepted a seat, it was under the auspices of a noble Duke who for forty years had been a loyal adherent of the Hanoverian line. With regard to office, it was not to be supposed that a man of Sir John Strange's well-known loyalty would have resigned in his favour, if he had not been thoroughly convinced of his sincerity. That ever since he had been in the king's service, he had got nothing by his employment (he spoke not by way of complaint) but the ordinary perquisites of office, and had never recommended any friend of his own to preferment. That he had not been

able to learn any objection to his conduct without doors, except that, in prosecuting the rebel lords, he had refrained from loading them with reproachful epithets, as if epithets would have added to their guilt. That he

did not think such language would be agreeable to his royal master; and that had he been employed for the Crown against Sir Walter Raleigh, and that unfortunate person had been as guilty of high treason as the rebels, he would not have made Sir Edward Coke's speech against him for his estate. After analysing Fawcett's evidence, he concluded by acknowledging the indulgence of the lords in hearing him, and the justice and goodness of the king, who would not suffer his servants to be stabbed in the dark, but gave them an opportunity of vindicating their innocence.*

He then took a voluntary oatht to that effect, and gave a particular answer to every charge, denying that he had ever been present at Mr. Vernon's when treasonable oaths were drunk, and stating his belief that Mr. Vernon was incapable of countenancing such conduct. The Lords of the Council unanimously reported to the king that the accusation appeared to be without foundation, and that it ought not to cast a stain on the character of the Bishop, or of any gentleman included in it. The Duke of Bedford, however, thought proper to bring the affair before the House of Lords, and moved an address to the king that he would be pleased to lay a copy of the proceedings of the Council before the House; but the motion was negatived by a large majority.

* For fuller particulars see Halliday; see also Bubb Doddington's Diary, pp. 211-235.

† Lord Campbell doubts that he took this oath, but the evidence seems incontrovertible.

Suspicion of his sincerity, nevertheless, long adhered to Murray, on the principle that where there is smoke there must be fire; and the reproach of early Jacobitism continued to be levelled at him with merciless effect. Pitt had again gone into Opposition, and with eagerness availed himself of so powerful a weapon against his old rival. Having occasion to denounce the Jacobite tendencies of the University of Oxford, he dexterously introduced a telling personal allusion :—

"The body he was describing," he said, "was learned and respectable; so much the more dangerous! He would mention what had happened to himself the last summer on a party of pleasure thither. They were at the window of the Angel Inn; a lady was desired to sing 'God save great George, our King.' The chorus was re-echoed by a set of young lads drinking at a college over the way, but with the addition of rank treason. He hoped, as they were boys, he should be excused for not taking more notice of them. Perhaps some of them might hereafter zealously fill the office of Attorney or Solicitor-General to a Brunswick sovereign. After this, walking down the High Street, in a bookseller's shop he observed a print of a young Highlander with a blue ribbon. The bookseller, thinking he wanted it, held it out to him. But what was the motto? Hunc saltem everso juvenem ! This was the prayer of that learned body. Yet, if they are disappointed in their plots, the most zealous of them, when leader of the Government party in this House, may assure you that he always approved of the Protestant succession, and that he refused to enter Parliament, except upon Whig principles."

We owe a record of this speech to Horace Walpole, who adds * : Colours, much less words, could not paint the confusion and agitation that worked in

* Walpole, "Memorials of the Reign of George II." i. 358.

Murray's face during this almost apostrophe. His countenance spoke everything that Fawcett had been terrified to prevaricate away."

And yet it could hardly be imputed as a crime to a man whom every one acknowledged to have done loyal service as an officer of the Crown, that in his youth he had drank a foolish toast or two over a cup of wine!

II.

On March 6, 1754, died Henry Pelham, who, for eight years, had presided over the Ministry with a prudence and a skill not always acknowledged by historians. As an administrator he displayed considerable ability; but much of the success of his Government was due to the eagerness with which, unlike Sir Robert Walpole, he endeavoured to secure the co-operation of the ablest. He gave reason to none to attach themselves to the Opposition. He had no cause to fear that any of them would supplant him; he knew that their mutual jealousies constituted a sufficient safe-guard. Thus, Henry Fox, Pitt, and Murray, though differing widely in feeling and sentiment, readily acted under his supremacy while neither would have acknowledged or allowed the supremacy of any other.

But his death dissolved the long truce which had thus been maintained between rival politicians. By virtue of his immense parliamentary influence, the Duke of Newcastle, incapable as he was, succeeded to the Treasury ; but who was to lead the House of Commons ? Unlike his brother, the Duke distrusted every man of genius, and was so greedy of office and patronage that he was unwilling to share them even with the staunchest sup

porter. What he wanted was a man who would do the work and covet none of the power—a man who would consent to be, and to act as, an agent and a subordinate. Newcastle was well aware that he durst not hint at such a position to William Pitt. It was useless to apply to Murray; for, though he would have been acceptable to the king, and not unpopular with the nation, he steadfastly refused political advancement. His ambition was bound up with his profession. In this difficulty Newcastle applied to Henry Fox, one of the most unscrupulous of politicians, and, after some discussion, the high contracting parties agreed to the following conditions:

Fox was to be Secretary of State, with the lead of the House of Commons; but the disposal of the secret service money, that is, the bribery of members of Parliament, was to be left to Newcastle, though Fox was to be made acquainted with the details of expenditure. This agreement was concluded on the 12th of March. Next morning the Duke overturned it. "My brother," he said, "when he was at the Treasury, never told anybody what he did with the secret service money; no more will I." But, then, Pelham was not only First Lord of the Treasury, but leader of the Commons; and it was unnecessary for him to take any person into his confidence. "How," said Fox, "how can I talk to gentlemen when I do not know which of them have received qualifications, and which have not?" "And who," he added, "is to have the disposal of places?

I myself," returned the Duke.

"How, then, am I to manage the House of Commons?"

Oh, let the members of the House of Commons come to me."