General Conway. 1775. pursue, were to send a powerful sea and land force to America, and at the same time to accompany them with offers of mercy upon a proper submission. This, he concluded, will show we are in earnest, that we are prepared to punish, but are nevertheless ready to forgive; that is, in my opinion, the most likely means of producing an honourable reconciliation. General Con'way, in a speech on the same occasion, said: "The noble lord who has the direction of the affairs of this country tells you, that the Americans aim at independence. I defy the noble lord, or any other member of this house, to adduce one solid proof of this charge. He says, the era of 1763 is the time they wish to recur to, because such a concession on our part would be, in effect, giving up their dependence on this country. I deny the conclusion too. I would ask the noble lord, Did the people of America set up this claim of independence previous to the year 1763? No, they were then peaceable and dutiful subjects: They are still dutiful and obedient. [Here was a murmur of disapprobation.] I repeat my words; I think them so inclined; I am certain they would be so, if they were permitted. The acts they have committed arise from no want of either. They have been forced into them. Taxes have been attempted to be levied on them; their charters have been violated, nay taken away; administration has attempted to coerce them by the most cruel and oppressive laws."1 Mr. Burke. On the American question. J. Grenville. Mr. Burke, in his speech on American affairs, objecting to the discretionary power mentioned in the king's speech, observed, such power "seems to be given already, and to have produced the mischiefs which might be expected from it; for general Gage had already, whether by himself, or by order from ministers, made a very indiscreet use of it, by offering mercy to those who were openly in arms, and actually besieging him in his station, and excluding from mercy those who were five hundred miles. from him, and then sitting in an assembly, never declared by authority to be illegal; an assembly, from which the ministers in the house of commons had at one time declared they were not without hopes of proposals which might lead to accommodation."2 Mr. Burke had reference to John Hancock and Samuel Adams, who were excepted in the general pardon offered by general Gage, on submission; while Ward, Putnam, and others, besieging him, were not excepted. In a debate in the house of commons upon the American question, a member (Mr. James Grenville) had given his reasons for not proceeding against America; because the Americans did not mean to render themselves independent of Great Britain, 1 Parliamentary Register. 2 Parliamentary Debates. 1775. and because he judged it impracticable to reduce them by force. Mr. Adam said, in reply, The Americans, if successful, will proceed to independence; and it is therefore absolutely necessary Mr. Adam. to reduce them. He endeavoured to prove the practicability of the measure, by showing that, no settled form of government being established in America, all must be anarchy and confusion there. The event proved the mistake of British statesmen respecting the knowledge, as well as the spirit and power, of the American colonists. By the institution of the colonial assemblies, they had learned to govern themselves. to the pro On a proposal of the ministry to negotiate with the Americans Mr. Burke by treaty, Mr. Burke said: "If beneficial and productive, it was opposed to be either by submitting to Lord North's proposition, namely, posal of nethat of forcing them to furnish a contingent by authority of par- gotiation. liament, or according to their ancient mode, by a voluntary grant of their own assemblies. If the former, we know they have already rejected that proposition; and never can submit to it without abandoning that point, for the maintenance of which they have risked their all. If it only requires, that they should resort to their ancient mode of granting by their assemblies, they have declared again and again, from the beginning of this contest to the end, that they were willing to contribute according to their ability, as estimated by themselves, who were the best judges of what their ability was. That ability would be lessened, if not totally destroyed, by the continuance of those troubles. This armed negotiation for taxes would therefore inevitably defeat its own purposes; and prevent forever the possibility of raising any revenue, either by our own authority, or by that of their own assemblies."1 concilia Mr. Burke moved for leave to bring in a bill for composing Brings forthe present troubles and for quieting the minds of his majesty's ward a new subjects in America. He observed, that there were three plans tory bill. afloat the first, simple war, in order to a perfect conquest; the second, a mixture of war and treaty; the third, peace grounded on concession. Having demonstrated the inefficacy of the two former plans, he stated the necessity of the last. "The great object of the present bill," he said, "was a renunciation of the exercise of taxation, without at all interfering with the question of right; it preserved the power of levying duties for the regulation of commerce, but the money so raised was to be at the disposal of the several general assemblies. The tea duty of 1767 was to be repealed, and a general amnesty granted." His speech, on this occasion, "embraced every con- His speech sideration of justice and expediency, dehortatory of war, and on the bill. 1 Parliamentary Register. 1775, recommendatory of peace."-" It is impolitic," said he, "to provoke to a separation from the mother country colonies which contribute so largely to its wealth and prosperity. It is inconsistent with the constitution of Britain, that any subject should be taxed but by himself or his representatives. Such, from a concurrence of causes, is the disposition of the Americans, that they will resist whatever they conceive to be oppression. If recourse be had to the sword, the conquest of America, at such a distance, in a country so intersected by rivers, entangled by woods, and fortified by mountains, its inhabitants inspired by the love of liberty, will be difficult, if not impracticable. Should it be at all possible, it must be with an immense effusion of blood and treasure, after America is so exhausted as to be unable to afford any indemnification. Our European rivals will watch the opportunity of intestine dissentions, and we shall be involved in a general war." From the petition of the Congress, the evidence of Mr. Penn, and many others, he inferred that the bill would satisfy America. This plan of conciliation, though less unfavourably received than any previous one, was not adopted.1 Mr. Luttrel's speech. Mr. Luttrel, in a speech in the house of commons on American affairs, having traced the British government back to its first principle, and shown that it was always of a popular character, concluded, by wishing the house to give, on this occasion, due weight to a conclusive remark of the excellent author of the Commentaries on the Laws of England, where he is descanting on the Revolution of 1688, which placed the sceptre in the hands of king William, and eventually brought in the illustrious house of Hanover to be guardians of the Protestant religion, and assertors of the ancient constitutional rights of all the subjects throughout the British monarchy: "No practical systems of law are so perfect, as to point out beforehand those eccentric remedies, Moves for which national emergency will dictate and justify." Mr. Luttrel an address moved for an address to his majesty, "humbly requesting that to the king he will authorize the commissioners nominated to act in America, to receive proposals for conciliation from any general convention, congress, or other collective body, that shall be found to convey the sentiments of one or more of the several continental colonies, suspending all inquiry into the legal or illegal forms under which such colony or colonies may be disposed to treat; as the most effectual means to prevent the effusion of blood, and to reconcile the honor and permanent interest of Great Britain with the requisitions of his majesty's subjects." The motion passed in the negative.2 respecting commissioners in America. 1 Bisset's Life of Burke, i. 395, 396. Parliamentary Register, Belsham, b. 18. 2 Parliamentary Register. Grafton. On the subject of an address to his majesty, in the house of 1775. lords, the duke of Grafton said, he had a proposition which, with their lordships leave, he would submit to the house. He knew Duke of it could not originate with their lordships, as it must come through the other house, because it would affect the revenue. Perhaps, says his Grace, it will not gain your approbation entirely this night; but believe me, you will like it better to-morrow, and full better in three days hence. It will daily grow in your esteem. In a fortnight, I promise you, it will have more friends, until at length it will gain universal assent and approbation. The proposition is only this; to bring in a bill for repealing every act, I think there are thirteen, which has been passed in this country since the year 1763, relative to America. Lord Lyttelton condemned in the most marked and expres- Lord Lyttelsive language the measures of administration. He totally dis- ton. approved the address, and the measures recommended in it. He said matters were now entirely altered. Boston was turned into an hospital, where more died of famine and want of care, than by the sword. We probably had not a single foot of land in our possession on the continent of America. The expense and hazard of reducing it, the little dependence there was to be placed on men, who had been misled themselves, or purposely misled others, operated so strongly on his mind, that he could no longer lend his countenance and support to such measures, accompanied by such circumstances; and consequently must unite in opinion with the noble duke, in wishing that all the acts respecting America, passed since the year 1763, might be repealed, as a ground for conciliation, a full restoration of the public tranquillity, and return of America to her wonted obedience, and subordinate dependence on the mother country. The bishop of Peterborough was constrained to withhold his Bishop of consent from the address. It appeared to me, in the last session, Peterbo rough. to be the general opinion of all such as I thought best capable to form a judgment what were the most probable means to effect a lasting re-union with the colonies, that even a show of perseverance to support the authority of the legislature would intimidate the factious and restore peace and tranquillity. Experience has now convinced me that a mistaken judgment upon this point was formed by the friends of administration, both here and in America. The declaration of perseverance went forth, and though backed by 10,000 men, has not intimidated a single colony.1 William Penn, late governor of Pennsylvania, was chosen by W. Penn congress an agent to the court of Great Britain, with directions chosen to deliver their petition to the king himself, and to endeavour, by G. Britain. 1 Parliamentary Register. agent to 1775. his personal influence to procure its favourable reception. At the session of parliament in November, governor Johnstone, in the house of commons, after unsuccessful calls for information on American affairs, expressed his belief that administration had none. A remarkable proof of this, he said, was, that Mr. Penn has not, since his arrival from the very city where the congress has twice assembled and deliberated, been asked a single question; not even when he presented the American petition to the noble lord, who is secretary of state for that department.1 Congress petition the king. A petition was prepared by congress in September, and signed by the president, John Hancock, addressed to the king in behalf of the colonists, beseeching the interposition of his royal authority and influence to procure them relief from their afflicting fears and jealousies, excited by the measures pursued by his ministers, and submitting to his majesty's consideration, whether it may not be expedient for him to be pleased to direct some mode by which the united applications of his faithful colonists to the throne may be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation; and that, in the mean time, measures be taken for preventing the further destruction of the lives of his majesty's subjects, and that such statutes as more immediately distress any of his majesty's colonies, be repealed. "Attached to your majesty's person, family, and government," say the congress, "with all the devotion that principle and affection can inspire, connected with Great Britain by the strongest ties that can unite societies, and deploring every event that tends in any degree to weaken them, we solemnly assure your majesty that we not only most ardently desire the former harmony between her and these colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be established between them upon so firm a basis, as to perpetuate its blessings, uninterrupted by any future dissentions, to succeeding generations in both countries." This petition was read in parliament on the 7th of read in par- December, by the request of Mr. Hartley, who founded upon it several petitions for pacification; but they were all negatived. Petition liament. Petition and memorial of Nova Scotia. The speaker laid before the house of commons a petition and memorial of the freeholders of the province of Nova Scotia, in general assembly, to the king and parliament. Among many things proposed and requested for the melioration of the state of the province, they humbly offer it as their opinion, that the fittest tax to be raised in the colonies, would be a duty of so much per cent. upon all commodities imported into this province, not being the produce of the British dominions in America, except the article of bay salt; and finally, most humbly request that the assembly of this province may be called together annually, and 1 Parliamentary Register. |
