in those days, remarks Sir George Lewis, was not between aristocracy and democracy, but between aristocracy and monarchy. The Tories were, at least, as much aristocrats as the Whigs, but they submitted to the dominion of the Crown. The Whigs sought to maintain a Parliamentary party, independent of the king's personal influence, and to establish its supremacy over the royal will. The great Whig houses may have been an oligarchy, but they fought the battle of the people against the Crown, though the people withheld their support, and positively rejoiced at their downfall. In opposition the Whigs had ample leisure to compose their internal dissensions, to mature their principles, and to educate the people politically, before they were carried back to office by that great movement of constitutional progress which culminated in the Reform Act of 1832. William Pitt, when he assumed the Premiership, was only twenty-four years of age. It seemed at the outset impossible that he should prevail against the mixed ranks of the Opposition, led, as they were, by such veteran politicians as Fox, Burke, Sheridan, and Lord North. To his private friends he owned that he was doubtful of the result, while determined not to abandon the situation he had undertaken, but to make the best stand in his power. The Opposition were flushed with confidence, and sanguine that at any moment they could overthrow him. He enjoyed, however, the eager support of the Crown, and it was soon seen that he carried with him the suffrages of the nation. On the 14th of January, 1784, he brought in his India Bill; and on the 23rd it was rejected. Contrary to usage, he did not *Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, "British Administration," p. 95. resign, and the Opposition then moved an address to the king, praying for his dismissal. It was carried by a majority of twenty-one; but the king refused his consent. He was desirous that public affairs should be conducted by a firm and extended administration; but he did not conceive that object would be promoted by the dismissal of those at present in his service. Another address to the king, moved by Fox, and carried on the 1st of March, by a majority of twelve, received the same answer. Meanwhile, out-of-door demonstrations, and addresses from every quarter, proved his popularity with the people; and on the 8th of March, an elaborate Remonstrance, drawn up by Burke, and moved by Fox, was carried only by a majority of one. The battle was was dissolved. of May, and in scanty minority. over, and Pitt was the victor. On the 25th Parliament A new Parliament assembled on the 1st it the Whigs were represented by a One hundred and sixty members had lost their seats, and, but for the nomination boroughs owned by the great Whig families, the party must have been wholly unrepresented. We now come to one of the most interesting episodes in Burke's career, his share in the prosecution of Warren Hastings. The "great proconsul," as Lord Macaulay terms him, had returned from India in 1785, at the close of a splendid administration, during which the bounds of English supremacy had been largely extended. He had accomplished more than Clive; he had made British India the most flourishing of all the Indian States. his own proud language, he was entitled to say: “It was I who made them so. The valour of others acquiredI enlarged and gave consistency to-the dominion which we hold there. I preserved it." His rule had been S In in those days, remarks Sir George Lewis,* was not between aristocracy and democracy, but between aristocracy and monarchy. The Tories were, at least, as much aristocrats as the Whigs, but they submitted to the dominion of the Crown. The Whigs sought to maintain a Parliamentary party, independent of the king's personal influence, and to establish its supremacy over the royal will. The great Whig houses may have been an oligarchy, but they fought the battle of the people against the Crown, though the people withheld their support, and positively rejoiced at their downfall. In opposition the Whigs had ample leisure to compose their internal dissensions, to mature their principles, and to educate the people politically, before they were carried back to office by that great movement of constitutional progress which culminated in the Reform Act of 1832. William Pitt, when he assumed the Premiership, was only twenty-four years of age. It seemed at the outset impossible that he should prevail against the mixed ranks of the Opposition, led, as they were, by such veteran politicians as Fox, Burke, Sheridan, and Lord North. To his private friends he owned that he was doubtful of the result, while determined not to abandon the situation he had undertaken, but to make the best stand in his power. The Opposition were flushed with confidence, and sanguine that at any moment they could overthrow him. He enjoyed, however, the eager support of the Crown, and it was soon seen that he carried with him the suffrages of the nation. On the 14th of January, 1784, he brought in his India Bill; and on the 23rd it was rejected. Contrary to usage, he did not * Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, "British Administration,” p. 95. resign, and the Opposition then moved an address to the king, praying for his dismissal. It was carried by a majority of twenty-one; but the king refused his consent. He was desirous that public affairs should be conducted by a firm and extended administration; but he did not conceive that object would be promoted by the dismissal of those at present in his service. Another address to the king, moved by Fox, and carried on the 1st of March, by a majority of twelve, received the same answer. Meanwhile, out-of-door demonstrations, and addresses from every quarter, proved his popularity with the people; and on the 8th of March, an elaborate Remonstrance, drawn up by Burke, and moved by Fox, was carried only by a majority of one. The battle was over, and Pitt was the victor. On the 25th Parliament was dissolved. A new Parliament assembled on the 1st of May, and in it the Whigs were represented by a scanty minority. One hundred and sixty members had lost their seats, and, but for the nomination boroughs owned by the great Whig families, the party must have been wholly unrepresented. We now come to one of the most interesting episodes in Burke's career, his share in the prosecution of Warren Hastings. The "great proconsul," as Lord Macaulay terms him, had returned from India in 1785, at the close of a splendid administration, during which the bounds of English supremacy had been largely extended. He had accomplished more than Clive; he had made British India the most flourishing of all the Indian States. his own proud language, he was entitled to say:-" It was I who made them so. The valour of others acquiredI enlarged and gave consistency to-the dominion which we hold there. I preserved it." His rule had been S In in those days, remarks Sir George Lewis, was not between aristocracy and democracy, but between aristocracy and monarchy. The Tories were, at least, as much aristocrats as the Whigs, but they submitted to the dominion of the Crown. The Whigs sought to maintain a Parliamentary party, independent of the king's personal influence, and to establish its supremacy over the royal will. The great Whig houses may have been an oligarchy, but they fought the battle of the people against the Crown, though the people withheld their support, and positively rejoiced at their downfall. In opposition the Whigs had ample leisure to compose their internal dissensions, to mature their principles, and to educate the people politically, before they were carried back to office by that great movement of constitutional progress which culminated in the Reform Act of 1832. William Pitt, when he assumed the Premiership, was only twenty-four years of age. It seemed at the outset impossible that he should prevail against the mixed ranks of the Opposition, led, as they were, by such veteran politicians as Fox, Burke, Sheridan, and Lord North. To his private friends he owned that he was doubtful of the result, while determined not to abandon the situation he had undertaken, but to make the best stand in his power. The Opposition were flushed with confidence, and sanguine that at any moment they could overthrow him. He enjoyed, however, the eager support of the Crown, and it was soon seen that he carried with him the suffrages of the nation. On the 14th of January, 1784, he brought in his India Bill; and on the 23rd it was rejected. Contrary to usage, he did not * Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, "British Administration," p. 95. |
