teriology"; but we alınost forgive this irrelevant intrusion in admiration of the way in which he bore his many and great trials; and we find ourselves happy when we read that on January 25, 1888, Stairs appeared on the scene with a column of fine-looking men, fat, muscular, and glossy-skinned, these being the very same who had left Ipoto as skeletons only three months ago.

Ipoto was left without regret, but with friendly farewells, on January 27. Stairs's able men had the boat to carry ; the feeble folk crawled on as best they could; some days two miles, other days three or four, or even six, would be got over; one day one man would lie down and die, another day two would follow the example; but at last, on February 8, Fort Bodo was gained.

Mr. Stanley and Jephson had it in excellent order; six tons of Indian corn were stored up in the granary; there was a rich supply of plantains over a radius of a couple of miles; there was a good water supply, and even a stock of milch cattle, three cows, and about twenty goats. The camp was in a clearing of the forest; a plan of it will be found in "Darkest Africa"; there was one road leading to it from Manyuema, and another which led in the direction of the Albert Nyanza; the huts were good; each had a good veranda, which furnished some shade.

While arrangements were being made for Mr. Stanley's second visit this time with the boat to the lake, he took seriously ill; and it was a month before, thanks to his constitution and the care of his doctor, he was again able to think of advancing. Nelson was then left in care of the fort. Stairs had been sent back to Ugarrowa's camp to bring up the men who had been left there, and he was to abide with Nelson at Fort Bodo until Stanley's second return.

On April 2, 1888, the second march to the Albert Nyanza began; the force numbered 122. In eight days the Ituri River was reached, and on the next day the open plain, and for the first time for twelve months Parke was out of the dark forest.

We need not dwell on the journey through the hilly country, on the first views of the Mountains of the Moon, and of the lake, nor of the meeting with Emin Pasha, for all these facts have been related at greater length in Mr. Stanley's volumes, but it being arranged that Stanley should return to Yambuya for the rear column, and bring them up to the lake before the general return to Zanzibar should be commenced, he and Dr. Parke started back through the forest on May 24, leaving Jephson behind with Emin Pasha; the men at this time appear to have been in good condition, so that Fort Bodo was reached in about ten days' march; the natives on the route back were friendly, and one day was devoted to helping some of the chiefs in a feudal fight.

At Fort Bodo, Stairs and Nelson were found "looking fit," but many of the people, some of whom had been brought by Stairs from Ugarrowa's camp, were suffering from fever and bad ulcers. From this fort Mr. Stanley departed on his memorable journey to Yambuya on June 16, leaving Stairs in command at Fort Bodo, with Nelson and Parke to assist. Fifty-seven men were left in their charge, and Stanley's directions were that when Jephson came to Fort Bodo, which he had arranged to do within two or three months, then all the party were, as soon as could be, to return with all the loads to the lake,

and remain there with Emin Pasha until Stanley came up from Yambuya. This part of the volume is full of interest, as it gives us for the first time an idea of how a period of just over six months was spent in this fort; for, as matters turned out, Jephson with Emin Pasha being made prisoners, was unable to come to them, and they waited in some impatience, until at last the leader himself appeared with the remnant of the party from Yambuya. Parke accompanied Stanley on his way to Yambuya as far as the Manyuema camp (Ipoto), to collect some of the goods which had been left behind during his former residence there.

From Ipoto Mr. Stanley went west, and Parke returned to Fort Bodo, bringing with him not only the goods he went back for, but some seed rice, some goats, and, not least, a female dwarf, one of the pygmies, whom he had purchased for a handful of beans, twelve cups of rice, and six cups of corn. He also had full instructions from his chief; among these latter were orders to "Plant, sow, and plant, as though you were going to make a long stay at Fort Bodo. If Jephson comes, well, you can go along with him. If Jephson does not turn up, you have abundance of food for yourselves." It took Parke ten days to get back to Fort Bodo, and on July 6 the long watch began. By August 9 the men were so broken down by the prevailing ulcers that it was impossible to go out after any game, for there were not enough of them to form a guard; twenty-five were "badly sick" out of the fifty-five. There seems, judging by the statements on p. 256, to have been a somewhat slack surveillance of sanitary matters about the camp, which, from the plan made by Stairs, was one apparently easily kept clean; a stream abounding in small fish ran not far away; but Parke declares that "the Zanzibaris owe a great deal of their physical ill-being to their timidity and laziness." The officers in charge did not by any means escape their share of sickness, and first Parke was laid up, and then Nelson, and lastly, Stairs. On September 5, Ali Jumba came to Stairs and told him that the men proposed, first, that fifteen of the strongest of them should go with one white officer to the edge of the forest, and, if they found the natives friendly, that they should then push on to Emin, asking him to come on and relieve the others at the fort; or, secondly, that all the men should leave the fort, and convey the loads by a system of double journeys, until they should arrive at some good banana plantation, where they should make a camp, and remain until relieved either by Stanley or Jephson. The men made these proposals, because they said they could get little or no food at Fort Bodo, and that they would die of starvation unless some move was made.

On a consultation, it was resolved that neither of these ideas of the men were practicable, and that there was no fear of starvation, as there was corn already in store to furnish a small quantity to each man of the party until the new corn should be reaped. When October came, all hopes of Jephson making his appearance were abandoned, and no thoughts as to the true cause of his nonappearance seem to have entered their minds.

December 18 was the day on which Mr. Stanley said he expected to return to Fort Bodo, and on the 20th he appeared. He was looking careworn and haggard to an extreme degree. Bonny was the only one of the staff

The account of the few scraps of the leaves and stems of the plants used by the pyginies to poison their arrowheads, and of those used as antidotes against these poisons, which had been collected by Parke, is by Mr. E. M. Holme, and is reprinted from the Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain's Journal. The poisons were prepared from the bark of Erythrophlæum guineense, Don., from the leaves of probably Palisota barteri, Benth., from the bark and stem of the tips of the young shoots of a thorny creeper, possibly belonging to the genus Combretum, from the scrapings of the bark of some unknown species of Strychnos, and lastly from the seeds of the first-named tree. The antidote to this poison-extract was prepared from the leaves and young bark of three distinct plants, but the material brought back by Dr. Parke was not sufficient to allow of even a guess being made as to two of them, and Prof. Oliver suggests that the third may belong to the genus Unona. The illustrations throughout the volume are feeble, if we except the two charming sketches by Mrs. Stanley, and the view of Ruwenzori from a sketch by Stairs; but the rest of the illustrations are of the ordinary make-up type that we do not nowadays expect to find in a serious book of travels.

THE AUSTRIAN ECONOMISTS.

An Introduction to the Theory of Value. By William Smart. (London: Macmillan and Co., 1891.)

IT

T has recently become generally known to English students of economics that a school of writers existed in Austria, who strenuously opposed the more extreme views of the German historical school, and devoted their attention to the study and improvement of economic theory. By enabling a larger number of English students to acquaint themselves with the writings of the Austrian economists, Mr. Smart, who is Lecturer on Political Economy in Queen Margaret College, Glasgow, has conferred on them no inconsiderable service. He has already translated the acute and instructive, though difficult and perhaps excessively polemical, treatises of Dr. Böhm Bawerk, on the nature of capital and of interest; and now, in the little volume before us, he introduces us to a theory of value "on the lines of Menger, Wieser, and Böhm Bawerk." The theory, he states in his preface, "is that enunciated by Menger and Jevons, and worked out by Wieser and Böhm Bawerk." It claims to give a more adequate explanation of value than that formerly supplied in economic treatises. It approaches the problem from the side of demand, rather than, like Ricardo and his followers, from that of supply. It declares that "value depends entirely on utility," and that the kind of utility, which is all-important in determining value, is "marginal utility." This conception, which may be found in the pages of Jevons' "Theory," under the title of "final utility," has certainly proved in his hands and in those of his English successors, and his Continental forerunners like Gossen, and contemporaries like Walras, to be a very suggestive and fruitful conception; and its discovery and exposition may be fairly said to have revolutionized one side of the problem of value-which is the central problem, so to

say, of economic study. The conception is more fully elaborated and more sc'entifically expounded by the distinguished writers who compose the Austrian school, and Mr. Smart traces the outlines of their theory with care and lucidity.

Value, as he shows, may be subjective, or relative to the well-being of a person, or objective, when it forms a relation of power or capacity between one good and another. The "valuable" and the "useful" are not synonymous terms, but the latter is a larger class including the former, where the useful is so limited as to be the indispensable condition of satisfaction of a want. The scale of value, accordingly, differs from a scale in which wants are classified as "necessaries, comforts, and luxuries"; for the "fundamental and limited wants of life" are "precisely the ones for which Nature makes the most abundant provision." It is the want which is least urgent among the wants satisfied, which measures the value of a good; in other words, it is its "marginal utility." But we must be sure, in estimating this marginal utility, that we know what is really the good we are valuing. A good may be put, perhaps, to different and distinct kinds of uses. The highest use will then have the preference, and the "marginal utility" will only be determined respectively along the distinct subordinate lines of the various uses. Or, again, many, and perhaps most, goods are "complementary," in the sense that several contribute to one satisfaction; and the determination of their separate value becomes in consequence far more complex; and, when we pass from subjective to objective value, the complications increase in number and variety, although one and the same fundamental law still holds good.

In this, and other similar ways, the Austrian economists have undoubtedly succeeded in giving a more scientific character and wider range to the conception of final or marginal utility. But the question still remains, whether they have fully solved the problem which they have set themselves to determine. They will only allow the older doctrine, which found an explanation of value in "cost of production," to be regarded as strictly subordinate to the principle of "marginal utility." The

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causal connection," they maintain, runs from product to cost, and not from cost to product. Consumption is the final object and aim of production, and the side of demand is more important than that of supply. And so it is marginal utility," which is the "universal and fundamental" law of value, and "cost of production" is a "good secondary law as regards the vast majority of goods produced"; and it is so because goods of the second" and "higher orders," as they distinguish the goods which are the means and materials of production rather than the articles of immediate consumption, may be employed in the production of more than one kind of goods of the "first order."

tradict him. But all that Mr. Hunot says, in the long paragraph quoted from his letter, is that he recollects an adult dwarf of about the height of a boy of ten or eleven years of age who lived and died in Mogador. All that Captain Rolleston says is that he saw in Tangiers a dwarf of about thirty-five or forty years of age 3 to 4 feet in height, and of an unusually light complexion. All that Mr. Carleton says is that he has seen a dwarf at Alcazar. All that Sir John Drummond Hay says is that he hunted up at Tangiers some Sus and Dra people who had seen dwarfs. All that Miss Day says is that she had done the same at Telcmen. All that Mr. Harris says, of his own knowledge, is that he has seen two dwarfs-one at Fez, about 4 feet 2 inches in height, and of a light brown colour; and the other, about whom no particulars are given, somewhere in the country. All that Miss Herdnian, whom I had the pleasure of meeting at Fez, says is that she has never seen a dwarf in Morocco, but that she has heard of one, and has drawn out tales about a tribe of dwarfs from her native servants. All that Mr. Halliburton himself says to the point is that he has seen and measured a very timid and obliging dwarf of about thirty years of age, 4 feet 6 inches in height, and of a peculiar reddish complexion, in Tangiers.

Let me add to Mr. Halliburton's list of European witnesses. I have myself seen two dwarfs in Morocco-one in Fez, and the other in some northern town (I cannot for the moment recollect which, and have of course no papers to refer to). The first of these might perhaps have passed as a true dwarf-a man of small size, but well proportioned, like Tom Thumb; but the other was certainly a disease-dwarf, with a large unshapely head and trunk, and little bowed legs, like Canny Elshie, or the Wise Wight o' Mucklestane Moor. Rickets are not unknown in Morocco. I have no doubt that that malady is common in certain districts periodically visited by famine or devastated by war, and in which infant feeding is not conducted on scientific principles; and the probability is that men and women of stunted and distorted growth are more numerous in proportion to population in Morocco than they are in England. The wonder is to me that the number of instances of the occurrence of dwarfs in Morocco, which Mr. Halliburton in his longcontinued researches has been able to establish, is so exceedingly small; and that one dwarf, for example he of Fez, has, like a stage army, to do duty several times over. But had he succeeded in identifying ten times the number of dwarfs that he has actually traced out, he would only have proved that dwarfs exist in Morocco as in all other countries, and would not have advanced a step towards proving his proposition that there is a tribe of dwarfs in the Atlas, I know a little Scotch town in which there are three dwarfs; but it would be scarcely legitimate to infer from that fact that there is a concealed clan of MacManikins in the Grampians. That the dwarfish condition in the dwarfs described by Mr. Halliburton was an accidental variation, and not a racial characteristic, is rendered more than probable by the fact that two of them-the only two who are reported to have had families-had offspring of normal stature.

The native reports about dwarfs and dwarf tribes, which Mr. Halliburton sets forth in much detail, are obvious fictions-of the kind which the professional story-teller pours forth copiously every day in the Soko in scores of Moorish towns and villages, only adapted, of course, to the requirements of an eager English listener. The names of the reporters are not given, nor are the opportunities they possessed of obtaining the information they convey explained; while some of the practices they attribute to the dwarfs-such as finding of treasure by writing on wood, and the feeding of horses on dates and camels' milk with the view of rendering them swift of pace-I have heard ascribed to tribes in the Atlas that are certainly not composed of dwarfs.

Morocco is the hot-bed of fable, and infested by the cockand-bull, and I can picture to myself the grave delight with which the natives questioned by Mr. Halliburton would stimulate his curiosity and then satisfy it. Mr. Halliburton emphasizes the fact that he is a Q.C., and accustomed to crossexamination; but British perjury and Moorish mendacity have little in common, and are to be fathomed by entirely different methods. The way in which he measured the Tangiers dwarf, Jackin (he actually took 2 inches off his height because a native who was present told him that Jackin had raised his heels to that extent while being measured), casts some doubt on his powers of observation; while the extracts from his diary show that no process of sifting has been carried out, but that everything favourable to his theory has been thankfully received. I

would undertake to collect in Morocco in a month's time native testimony in support of the existence of a tribe of giants in the Atlas, or of a tribe of men with six digits on each hand, quite as specious and convincing as that which Mr. Halliburton has accumulated in favour of the existence of a tribe of dwarfs. Even if the natives interrogated by Mr. Halliburton had no wish to deceive or to please him, much would depend on the intelligence and honesty of his interpreter, and on the exact terms employed. Only those who have tried can realize how difficult it is to get precise information on any subject out of natives of Morocco.

If the caves in Morocco are to be regarded as at one time the dwellings of dwarfs, then it is clear that dwarfs must at one time have been in complete possession of the country, for such caves are to be found all over it. The most remarkable of them which I have visited at Tassimet, about two days' journey from Demnat-caves which Europeans had never before explored, and which were excavated in a rock by the side of a waterfallwere in many instances too small even for the accommodation of dwarfs; and as they yielded to our digging fragments of bone and of pottery, it seemed probable that they had been places of sepulture and not of habitation. Such caves have also undoubtedly been used sometimes for the storage of grain, like the underground metamors; and the invariable answer returned to our inquiries about their origin was that they had been made by the Romi, or Christians. Never on any occasion did I hear them ascribed to dwarfs.

The classical tradition that there were dwarfs in the Atlas is unworthy of serious consideration in the absence of any observation suggesting that it had other than an imaginative foundation. "Nearly all the myths of Greece," says Mr. Halliburton, "are laid in Mount Atlas," and monsters more extraordinary than dwarfs must have dwelt there if these myths are to be received as of historical authority.

I have tried to prove that the evidence given in favour of the existence of a tribe of dwarfs in the Atlas is utterly trivial and untrustworthy; and I shall now endeavour to show that the evidence that can be called to discredit that hypothesis is cogent and convincing. The dwarfs are described by Mr. Halliburton as brave, active, agile, swift-footed, as possessing a vigorous breed of ponies, as experts in the pursuit of the ostrich, and as trading in the Sahara and at 'Tassamalt. Is it to be believed that being all this, and being very numerous-there are, Mr. Halliburton says, about 1500 of them in Ait Messad, about 1500 at Akdeed, about 1000 at Ait Messal, about 500 at Ait Bensid, and about 400 in three Akka villages-is it to be believed, I ask, that these swarming and enterprising dwarfs would have allowed themselves to be bottled up in a cleft in the Atlas Mountains, so that only half-a-dozen specimens of them have found their way to the great towns to the north of the Atlas, where are to be found numerous representatives of all the other Atlas tribes? Is it to be believed again, that the existence of such a peculiar and notorious tribe, known, Mr. Halliburton tells us, to all Moors, should have been concealed from all the inquisitive travellers who have penetrated into the interior of Morocco, to be revealed to Mr. Halliburton standing at its outer gateway? Leo Africanus, whose account of Morocco is marvellously minute and accurate, and who enumerates its tribes, has not a word to say about dwarfs. De Foucauld, who visited Akka, is equally silent about them; and so is Rohlfs, who explored the valley of the Dra. Not one traveller in Morocco has ever heard even a rumour or dark hint relating to them.

Thomson and I spent some months in the Atlas in constant communication with natives of every class, and in all the strange legends, histories, and adventures narrated to us by the camp brazier, in the fondak or the kasba, there was never a distant reference to a Moorish Liliput; and be it remembered our servants knew that we had a keen eye and ear for curios, human and inhuman. In all our wanderings in the Atlas we never met a dwarf, and indeed, at a great gathering of people at which we were present, at the feast of Aid el Assir at Glawa we were much struck by the height of the men. Mr. Aissa, who is quoted by Mr. Halliburton as having seen one of the tribe of dwarfs east of Demnat, was our interpreter for three months, and conversed with us with the utmost freedom on all conceivable subjects, and he never adverted to this dwarf story. I have had several long talks with Mr. Hunot, whom Mr. Halliburton also quotes-convers itions covering a wide range of topics, amongst them the origin of the caves already alluded toand he certainly at that time had no belief that they had ever