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was reposing in the bosom of a protestant republic, when his assistance was courted by the letters and the presents of the English prince.
It had been well for the professor if on this occasion he had not relinquished that wise and virtuous abstinence which had formerly regulated his conduct. But when a king sued to be his client, and the cause of sovereigns to be supported by his pen, the appeal to his vanity was too powerful to be resisted, and, in an hour the most inauspicious to his future fame and happiness, he undertook the defence of prelacy, royalty, and Charles.
The result of this engagement, a bulky volume entitled “ Defensio Regia pro Carolo primo ad Carolum secundum,” made its appearance before the conclusion of 1649, and is reported to have generally disappointed the expectation of the learned." The work, which
i A hundred jacobuses accompanied the prince's application.
The inconsistency and venal accommodation, of which it convicted its author, were unquestionably distressing to some, who were personally attached to him. Claude Sarrau, one of his confidential friends, a learned member of the parliament of Paris, having previously warned him of the danger and impropriety of the undertaking, expostulated very freely and strongly with him on his conduct in its execution. Not haying the epistles of Sarrau, an edition of whicb was published
Salmasius had presumptuously undertaken, by Burman, immediately to refer to, I shall content myself with an extract respecting them from the learned and accurate Dr. Birch. (Account of the Life and writings of Milton, p. xxxiv.)
“ Claudius Sarravius, counsellor in the parliament of Paris, and an intimate friend of Salmasius, in a letter to him dated at Paris, Feb. 18, 1650, expresses his surprise that he should write in the preface to his Defensio with so much zeal in defence of the bishops of England, when he had in another work of his • De Presbyteris et Episcopis,' printed at Leyden 1641, in 8vo. under the fictitious name of Wallo Messalinus, attacked them with the utmost acrimony; which be observes might expose him to the imputation of a time-server, who paid no regard to truth itself. • Ηoc sane dicent esse τω καιρώ δελεύειν potius quam τη αληθεία πείθεσθαι.'
.' And in another letter, dated Paris, March 5, of the same year, he reminds bim of this inconsistency, which would make his sincerity questioned. De necessitatc episcopatûs Anglicani quod obiter dixeras in præfa. tione, ut jam monui, fortius adhuc urges ipso opere, contra dictata Wallonis Messalini; quod tibi vitio vertetur, diceturque te calidum et frigidum eodem ex ore efflare, nec generositati tuæ id convenire existimabitur. Salmasius having wrote an answer to Sarravius upon this point, the latter replied to bim thus in a letter dated March 12, 1650. •Te ergo habemus reum fatentem: sive enim tempori servias sive causi', nobis perinde est. Atqui dicebatur antea te erçetlov vây tyev, qui ne ipsi quidem Jovi, Termini in modum, cederet. Præterea credo non licere Advocato vel Regio, in causâ domini sui, aliter dicere publice quam privatim loquatur et sentiat: quemadmodum non sunt diversæ leges, quibus domi utimur, ab illis, juxta quas in foro placita decernuntur. At scripsisti, inquis, ex imperio. Ergo potest tibi imperari ut sententiam mutes: Epictetus tamen tuus docet hoc esse Téo quis, atque ita esse in potestate nostrâ ut invitis non eripiatur. Sed hæc ingrata omitto, &c. •We have now your own confession of your fault; for it is the same thing to us, whether you adapt yourself to the times or to the cause.
he was not perhaps qualified to execute; and he might at length be made sensible that, with the tenacious memory, the quick combination, the acute and microscopic vision of the scholar and the critic, a man might be des
But before this, it was said, that you was a man of an inflexible disposition, who, like the god Terminus, would not give way to Jove himself. Besides, I am of opinion that even a king's advocate ought not, in his master's cause, to speak in public differently from what he speaks and thinks in private; as the laws which we use in private life are not at all different from those, upon which decrees are made in courts of judicature. wrote, you say, " by command.” And was it possible for any commands to prevail on you to change y ur opinion? Your favourite Epictetus tells us, that our opinion is one of those things in our power, and so far in our power, that nothing can take it away from us without our consent."
I haye Sarrau's Epistles now in my hand: but I find Dr. Birch's extracts from them so correct as to make it unnecessary for me either to write a new note or to alter my former one. I have only supplied the whole of his last citation, that the translation may be verified by the original. Sarrau was a man of much learning, talents, and integrity. His ability and erudition are unquestionably proved by his letters, and his probity-by his remonstrances against the inconsistency of his friend, Salmasius : for whom his respect was nearly boundless. With Sarrau it was amicus Socrates sed magis amica veritas. The distich, which he wrote under a portrait of Salmasius, will bear ample testimony to the exalted opinion, which the Parisian Counsellor entertained of the Leyden professor.
Quantum scire hominem Divina Potentia vellet,
Ostendit terris, SALMĄSIUMQUE dedit.
The estimable Sarrau died of a fever at Paris on Easter Eve in 1651. (See Burm. Syll. iii. 266.]
titute of that span and grasp of mind which are requisite to wield the large and complex system of political wisdom. There is certainly a pervading littleness throughout the whole of “ the Royal Defence.” Its author, like Martha in the Gospel, “ is troubled about many things," and seems to be overwhelmed with trifles. For argument he frequently applies to frivolous etymology: he accumulates quotations, suggested to him by the officiousness of his memory, very often without judgment or felicity; and he puts together his unequal and ill-assorted materials without the arrangement and the plan of a master. After all however,
After all however, " the Royal Defence” is no contemptible production. It amasses nearly all that can be obtained on the subject: in its management it is some, times skilful' and artificial, as in its execu
' In the following passages may be distinguished the heightening and the aggravation of a masterly hand.
“ Si agendi modus inspiciatur, plurimi non siccâ morte reges ad generum Cereris, ut cum poëtâ loquar, descenderunt. Aut gladius privati parricidæ aliquem luce privavit, aut miles ab aliquo procerum subornatus vitæ principis insidias fecit, aut potio veneni alium exanimavit, aut carceris mala mansio pædore et fame alium cruciatum sustulit, aliuın in carcere carnifex strangulavit. Sed quis unquam audivit, quis legit, regem legitimum, hæreditarium regnum possidentem, Christianum, reformatum, accusatum à suis subjectis, causam capitis dicere coactum, condemnatum, .securi percussum? Causa etiam com:
tion it is sometimes happy and even eloquent. It presents us with arguments generally subtle and specious; and with diction, occasionally indeed poor and debased with modern idioms, but on the whole perspicu
missæ in regiâ persona cædis aut summæ sceleris detrahit aut ad summam addit, quod minus aut magis sceleratum existimari queat quod actum est. Si per tumultum aliquis interemptus est militarem, si per seditionem popularem, si per factionem optimatum extinctus, non alia causa qnæri solet quam quæ'oculis palet, tumultus, factionis, seditionis. Furor iraque rebellium mentes præcipites egit in tale facinus. Irati milites ob gravem militiam, infensi populi ob tributorum onera, proceres vel odio, vel metu, vel studio dominandi incitati in regem conspirant. Causa furoris in his omnibus partes suas agit. Post factum eos qui fecere plerumque pænitentia capit.
“ Non rebellio concitati populi ea simples fuit, subitâ seditione et factione vel procerum vel militum ad regem suum occidendum infiammata. Torserunt prius variis crucibus ac morte gravioribus suppliciis, quem tandem ignominioso et ultimo conficerent. De carcere in carcerem eum traduxerunt, custodiis sæpe mutatis, sæpe novatis, libertatis interdum spe ostensâ, interdum et restitutionis per pactionem inter partes faciendam. Dum de hac tractatur, et cum jam rex omnia promisisset quæ ab ipso postulabantur, repente totum negotium disturbatur. E carcere rex educitur, in regiam adducitur, coram judicibus selectis sistitur, causam dicere tanquam reus cogitur, non respondens condemnatur, securi percutitur. Sed quo modo? Eo certe modo quo nullus unquam rex supplicium capitis passus memoratur. Vt latro, ut sicarius, ut parricida, ut proditor, ut tyrannus ante domum suam, id est regiam suam, populo suo spectaote, infami pegmati impositus, inter duos carnifices constitutus et quidem larvatos, quasi ad rem faceret hoc in duobus his servatum esse ut personati starent, cum tot alii carnifices ore non tecto, palam locum supplicii armis circumdatum custodirent, quot nempe pedites et equites armati circumstabant."