or charter of the United Colonies (answering to what is called the Magna Charta of England), fixing the number and manner of choosing members of Congress, members of Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and jurisdiction between them; alway remembering that our strength and happiness is continental, not provin.cial; securing freedom and property to all men, and, above all things, the free exercise of religion according to the dictates of conscience."

"All men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the time. The time hath found us. The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things, prove the fact. "Tis not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the world. Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave posterity with a settled form of government, an independent constitution of its own, the purchase at any price will be cheap. Nothing but continental authority can regulate continental matters. Youth is the seed-time of good habits, as well in nations as in individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety of interests occasioned by an increase of trade and population would create confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being able would scorn the other's assistance; and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament that the union had not been formed before. Wherefore the present time is the true time to establish it. The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time which never happens to a nation but once in the time of forming itself into a government."

"Under our present denomination of British subjects," are the closing words, "we can neither be received nor heard abroad: the custom of all courts is against us, and will be

so until by an independence we take rank with other nations. These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult, but, like all other steps which we have passed over, will in a little time become familiar and agreeable; and until independence is declared, the continent will feel itself like a man who continues putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity."

However crude may be the conception both of local and general constitutions, the presentation of the argument for independence was strong. The author wrote in a plain and nervous style, and used homely and even coarse illustrations. He had a genius for handling the "torch for burning," and there is a wild fire in his work. It was read by a people prepared to listen to a plea addressed through their lacerated feelings to their manhood. Never was a political appeal more generally welcomed or more cordially indorsed. Edition upon edition was called for. "It did wonders, worked miracles." "Thousands," says Ramsay, "were converted by it, and were led to long for a separation from the mother country." 1

1 "Common Sense, written by an Englishman," was advertised in the "Pennsylvania Evening Post" of Jan. 9, 1776, as published that day by Robert Bell, Third Street, Philadelphia. On the 20th Bell advertised a new edition, in subsequent advertisements termed the second. The words "written by an Englishman' are left out in this edition. On the 17th of February he announced "Additions to Common Sense," on the 20th advertised as "Large Additions." Two of these, signed "Candidus" and "Sincerus," were written by Samuel Adams, and copied from the newspapers. The third edition, also printed by Bell, has the following titlepage: "Common Sense: with the Whole Appendix: the Address to the Quakers: also the Large Additions, and a Dialogue between the Ghost of General Montgomery just arrived from the Elysian Fields and an American Delegate, in a Wood near Philadelphia, on the Grand Subject of American Independency. Philadelphia. Sold by R. Bell, 1776." pp. 147. The Dialogue at the end makes sixteen pages, and is furnished with a separate title-page which serves also for a cover to this piece in a separate pamphlet.

Meantime, on the 25th of January W. & T. Bradford announce the preparation of a new edition of "Common Sense," "with large and interesting additions by the Author, as will be expressed at the time of publication, among which will be a seasonable and friendly admonition to the people called Quakers." They state that

The great question was now discussed at every fireside, and the favorite toast at every dinner-table was, "May the independent principles of Common Sense' be confirmed throughout the United Colonies." It was pronounced over the remains of Warren, that his spirit forbade a continuance of the connection with a country which had forfeited every claim of kindred.2 It was declared as the voice of Montgomery, that God did not awaken the attention of all Europe, of the whole world, nay, of angels themselves, to the present controversy, without a purpose; that the country teemed with patriots, heroes, and legislators impatient to burst into light, and that the decree had gone forth that Great Britain and America were distinct empires.3 It was said to a people trained under Christian influences, who "several hundreds are already bespoke, one thousand for Virginia"; also that a German edition was in press. This advertisement had a card, addressed "To the Public," stating that the publisher of the first edition was expressly directed by the author not to proceed to issue a new one. This was the beginning of an angry paper war between the two parties. On the 20th of February the edition announced by Bradford was advertised as follows: "The new edition of 'Common Sense,' with additions and improvements in the body of the work: to which is added an appendix and an address to the people called Quakers. N.B. The additions which are here given amount to upwards of one-third of any former edition." This is a pamphlet of fifty pages. It has the following P.S.: "The publication of this new edition hath been delayed, with a view of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any attempt to refute the doctrine of Independence. As no answer hath yet appeared, it is now presumed that none will; the time needful for getting such a performance ready for the public being considerably past. Who the author of this production is is wholly unnecessary to the public, as the object of attention is the doctrine, not the man. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, that he is unconnected with any party, and under no sort of influence, public or private, but the influence of reason and principle." Philadelphia, Feb. 14, 1776. An answer, "Plain Truth," was advertised in the "Pennsylvania Evening Post" of March 14.

"Common Sense" was reprinted, in 1776, in Boston, Salem, Newburyport, Providence, Newport, Norwich, New York, Charleston, copies of these several editions being still extant in libraries in Massachusetts. It was probably reprinted in other places. It was reprinted in London, and extracts from it are in the "London Chronicle" of May 30, 1776. The Additions also were reprinted, and one side of the issue of that journal of June 29 is filled with extracts from them. It was printed in 1776 in Edinburgh. In 1792, an edition in London is called the ninth. It was reprinted in 1817. Chasms occur in the English editions, as the reflections on the king and government could not have been printed without hazard. It was reprinted likewise in France.

1 New-England Chronicle.

2 Oration by Perez Morton, April 8, 1776.

8 Paine's Dialogue.

habitually looked upward in every form of supplication, that the spirit which actuated the United Colonies "was as much from God as the descent of the Holy Ghost on the day of Pentecost, and was introductory to something great and good to mankind." 1

The issue was of a nature to rouse passion, alarm wealth, and stir society to its depths. In each colony, the friends and opponents of independence, animated at times by intemperate as well as by judicious zeal, hurled against each other the usual weapons of partisan strife, poisoned by the hatred and revenge engendered by civil war. With the Whigs it was not yet a test question, and they were divided on it: while the political leaders advocating it were uniformly veterans in their ranks. The Tories, of course, vehemently opposed independence; while Whigs, held in the highest regard took the character of conservatives, and were recognized by those of the opposite party as their leaders on this question. These strange affinities, and the fearful rising of the political waves, became a source of painful anxiety. Washington expressed deep concern lest the prevailing divisions and parties should prove the ruin of the American cause. The divisions, however, were not geographical. They did not grow out of provincial or temporary questions. They concerned the rights of human nature, as well as the question of American independence, and formed the basis for a noble homogeneity; and the intermingling in each of the thirteen colonies of the adherents of two great parties, devoted to the cause they mutually supported, and placing its fortunes uppermost, served to lift their thoughts and affections from things merely provincial, to concentrate

1 Article in the "New-England Chronicle."

2 Letter to Joseph Reed, April 15, 1776. He writes: "I am exceedingly concerned to hear of the divisions and parties which prevail with you, and in the Southern colonies, on the score of independence. . . . Nothing but disunion can hurt our cause. This will ruin it, if great prudence, temper, and moderation are not mixed in our councils, and made the governing principle of the contending parties." -Sparks's Washington, iii. 357.

them on vital ideas, and to unite them in the bonds of a common sentiment and object. In the case of the Whigs, the very intensity of the feeling on so grand an issue as independence, tended to ennoble and strengthen their union. "The Republicans are the nation," remarked Jefferson; and this may be designated as the period during which a people of living faith in the republican idea were determining to be a nation.

The contemporary authorities relating to the growth of the national sentiment become now of peculiar interest. I have examined much of this material in manuscript and in print. I have not met, down to this date, the proposal by a Whig to decree the existence of thirteen nations, or to seek refuge in a monarchy or in imperialism, much less to hawk about an offer of American sovereignty among foreign powers. The purpose uniformly expressed is, to rely on the resolution and virtue of thirteen free communities, their power if united, and their ability to bind their union with the cement of law and government.

A few citations may serve to show the political aim and tone. In by far the most famous publication of the time, "Common Sense," it was urged that nothing short of a continental government could insure domestic peace; and this publication was indorsed by zealous Whigs from Massachusetts to the Carolinas.2 A New-York writer, in enforcing

1 Governor Pownal, Dec. 2, 1777, in a speech in the House of Commons, said of the Americans: "They are determined to maintain their independence at all events. The Dutch, in their distress, hawked about the offer of the sovereignty of their country. They offered it to the Duke of Anjou, they offered it to Henry the Third of France, they offered it to Elizabeth of England; but the Americans will never offer that of their country to any power on earth." This was printed in the "London General Advertiser," Dec. 6, 1777.

2 A note on page 476 contains statements relating to the editions of "Common Sense." The evidence of its effect is abundant. A few extracts will show how it was received in different sections of the country:

"New-England Chronicle," of March 28, 1776, copies the appendix to "Common Sense," written by Paine, with the following remarks: "The public in general having read, and (excepting a few timid Whigs and disguised Tories) loudly applauded that truly excellent pamphlet, entitled 'Common Sense,' our readers will doubtless be pleased with the following appendix," &c. The "Boston Gazette,"